Frontier Massacres: The Newcastle Record

Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander Place Name: Dyarubbin | Language Group, Nation or People: Bediagal | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

This incident is the first recorded frontier massacre in Australia. According to David Collins (Collins in Fletcher 1975, p 326), 'At the Hawkesbury, … a settler there and his servant were nearly murdered in their sleep by some natives from the woods, who stole upon them with such secrecy, as to wound and overpower them before they could procure assistance. The servant was so much hurt by them with spears and clubs, as to be in danger of losing his life. A few days after this circumstance, a body of natives having attacked the settlers, and carried off all their clothes and provisions, and whatever else they could lay their hands on, the sufferers [on 1 September 1795] collected what arms they could, and following them, seven or eight of the plunderers were killed on the spot' (Collins in Fletcher 1975, Vol.1, p 326). Historian Ian Turbet notes that this 'was the largest recorded number of Aborigines killed in a single encounter since the arrival of the First Fleet' (Turbet, 2011, p 81). According to historian Stephen Gapps, Parramatta magistrate Richard Atkins also recorded the massacre, and said that six Bediagal were killed (Gapps 2018, p.109).

Victims Killed: 7 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Fletcher [Collins] 1975, Vol.1, p 326; Turbet 2011, p 81; Gapps 2018, p.109. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=561

Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander Place Name: Dyarubbin | Language Group, Nation or People: Bediagal | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

Following an alleged killing of two settlers by Bediagal people in May 1795, Capt Paterson of the NSW Corps despatched two subalterns and 66 soldiers to the Hawkesbury with orders to, 'drive the natives to a distance' and, in the hope of striking terror, 'to erect gibbets in different places, whereon the bodies of all they might kill were to be hung.' (Collins in Fletcher 1975, p 348) According to military historian John Connor, 'on their arrival the detachment forced an Aboriginal boy to reveal the location of a Darug group, probably members of the Bediagal. That night the soldiers made contact with the Darug in the forest not far from the farms. The roar of muskets filled the night air, followed by the screams of the wounded and dying. The soldiers saw seven or eight of the [Bediagal] fall down in the undergrowth, but when they went out next morning to find the bodies and string them up they found that the [Bediagal] had carried away their comrades' bodies during the night.' (Connor 2002, p 38)

Victims Killed: 7 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Collin in Fletcher 1975, p 348-9; Connor 2002, p 38. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=562

Language Group, Nation or People: Oyster Bay [Pydairrererme; Moomairremener] | Colony/State/Territory at the time: VDL

About 11am on 3 May 1804, a large group of Big River/Oyster Bay men, women and children suddenly appeared on top of a hill on a kangaroo drive near the recently established British colonial outpost at Risdon, on the eastern shore of the River Derwent. According to witness Edward White, 'they did not know there was a white man in the country' and they 'looked at me with all their eyes' (BPP 1831, p.53). Lt William Moore, the officer in charge at the outpost, ordered two detachments comprising eight soldiers from the garrison, 102nd Regiment (NSW Corps) to fire at the Big River/Oyster Bay people in two separate engagements in which at least two Big River/Oyster Bay warriors were killed. Then in a third engagement, the magistrate at Risdon Cove, surgeon Jacob Mountgarret, ordered that a twelve-pounder carronade be dragged up the hill from the water's edge and loaded with grape and canister shot and fired at the Big River/Oyster Bay people to disperse them. The sound of the carronade was heard at Hobart on the other side of the River Derwent at 2pm. Mountgarret then led a group of armed men comprising at least 12 soldiers, ten convicts and two settlers, in a charge 'some distance up the valley' where 'more were wounded' and 'a fine Native boy' about two years old was captured after his 'Mother and Father were both killed' (Watson, (ed.) 1925, HRA, III, i, 237-8). Three British witnesses recorded their experiences of the massacre. Two of them were the leading perpetrators, Moore and Mountgarret, who each provided written reports in the immediate aftermath. Mountgarret claimed that 600 Aboriginal warriors threatened the outpost by attacking a settler and that only two Aboriginal men were killed, although the official report, prepared by Lt Governor David Collins on 15 May 1804, said that 'at least three' were killed (Nicholls 1977, p 51; Watson ed (1925) HRA III, i, pp. 237-8). The third witness, Edward White, a convict in 1804, was interviewed about the incident at an official inquiry, known as the Broughton Committee, 26 years later in March 1830 and provided the first coherent account of the massacre. He said that the soldiers began firing at 11am and that 'a great many' Oyster Bay/Big River people were 'slaughtered and wounded' and in the aftermath, surgeon Mountgarret, dispatched 2 casks of Tasmanian Aboriginal remains to Sydney (BPP 1831, 53-4). At the Broughton inquiry, the Reverend Robert Knopwood, said that he visited the Risdon outpost a week after the 'affray' and supposed that 'five or six' Tasmanian Aboriginal people were killed (BPP 1831, p53). However, the harbour master James Kelly told the Committee that '40 or 50' were killed (BPP 1831, p.51). John Pascoe Fawkner, later said in his 'Reminiscences' that 'not less than fifty were shot down' (Fawkner 2007, p.24).

Historian James Bonwick, investigated the 'affray' in the 1850s and noted that Dr Mountgarret sent two casks of Aboriginal remains to Sydney and they may have been the remains of the six bodies observed by Knopwood. Bonwick was also told by Moore's commanding officer, Captain A F Kemp, that Moore 'saw double that morning from an overdose of rations rum' and 'the whole was the effect of a half-drunken spree, and that the firing arose from a brutal desire to see the Niggers run' (Bonwick 1870, p35). Bonwick was the first to publicly call the 'affray' a 'massacre' and was in no doubt that the soldiers of the 102nd Regiment (the NSW Corps) were responsible for the 'barbarous onslaught upon the Natives at Risdon' (Bonwick 1870, p36).

The claim by genocide scholars in the early 21st century that the Risdon massacre was the beginning of the genocide of the Tasmanian Aboriginal people, attracted a host of deniers whose purpose was to undermine Edward White as a reliable witness. Keith Windschuttle(2002) and W F Refshauge (2016) each used an out of date map of Risdon Cove to claim that Edward White could not have witnessed the massacre from where he said he was standing. Windschuttle also said that Bonwick could not have interviewed a settler of 1804 because no one who was present was still alive when Bonwick conducted his alleged interview; and that there is no evidence that 2 barrels of Tasmanian Aboriginal remains were shipped to Sydney (Windschuttle 2002, pp 11-28; Refshauge 2016). The claims were ably refuted by Phillip Tardif (2003). In 2022, Scott Seymour, George Brown and Roger Karge in their book, 'Truth-Telling at Risdon Cove', claimed that Edward White could not have been a witness to the massacre because, according to the records, he was not in Tasmania at the time (Seymour, Brown and Karge 2022). Tardif rejected their claims in 2023. He considers that White's 'detailed, accurate and consistent testimony, the acceptance by settlers and officials that he was a Risdon pioneer, and the clear statement made (in 1833) by long-term Hobart resident John Fawkner that he had known White for almost thirty years (i.e. since 1804), make for a strong case in his favour.' (Tardif 2023, p.27).

In 1833, in response to Edward White's petition, endorsed by the Colonial Surgeon and other early settlers, the Colonial Secretary, John Burnett stated that "Your Memorialist [Edward White] arrived in the Colony in the year 1803 being the first settlement of this Colony." [Tasmanian Archive and Heritage Office (TAHO): Colonial Secretary correspondence 1824-1836, File Number 14693, Record ID: NAME_INDEXES:1616823, Image 7 -pp.117-118.]

While some details vary in individual accounts, the incident was a matter of common knowledge in the early colony. The massacre is mentioned in an article in the Hobart Town Gazette in 1826 in relation to widespread conflict, as being the first act to have "...brought things to their present irremediable pass." (Hobart Town Gazette, November 11, 1826, p 2)

In 1830 a public meeting was held to discuss a proposed war of extermination in relation to government proclamations, including Government Order No. 10 [Hobart Town Courier, September 25, 1830, p 1] which details what came to be known as 'The Black Line'. The discussion was opened by Mr Kemp who attributed the conflict to the killings at Risdon Cove:

"Mr. Kemp commented at some length upon the aggressions committed by the Blacks, which he attributed in a great degree to some officers of his own regiment, (the late 102d), who had, as he considered, most improperly fired a four pounder upon a body of them, which having done much mischief, they had since borne that attack in mind, and have retaliated upon the white people, whenever opportunity offered." [Colonial Times, September 24, 1830, p 3]

This was seconded by Mr Gellibrand who added: "It has been stated by Mr. Kemp that we have been aggressors in the present unhappy state of hostility that prevails between the white people and the black Aborigines. This reflection cannot but give rise to the most painful feelings. How dreadful is it to contemplate that we are about to enter upon a war of extermination, for such I apprehend is the declared object of the present operations, and that in its progress we shall be compelled to destroy the innocent with the guilty." [Colonial Times, September 24, 1830, p 3]

Victims Killed: 30 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Nicholls 1977, p 51; HRA III, I, pp 237-8; BPP 1831, pp 37, 51-54; Fawkner 2007, p.24; Bonwick 1870, pp 32-36; Windschuttle 2002, pp11-28; Tardif, 2003, pp144-147; Refshauge 2016; Seymour, Brown and Karge 2022; Tardif 2023, pp 6-28; Tasmanian Archive and Heritage Office (TAHO): Colonial Secretary correspondence 1824-1836, File Number 14693, Record ID: NAME_INDEXES:1616823, Image 7 -pp.117-118. https://stors.tas.gov.au/CSO1-1-655-14693$init=CSO1-1-655-14693-7 HTG, November 11, 1826 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/8791038; HTC, September 25, 1830 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/4206949/642570; CT, September 24, 1830 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/8645368/666816 Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=462

Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander Place Name: Dyarubbin | Language Group, Nation or People: Bediagal/Dharug | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

According to the 'Sydney Gazette', 5 May 1805, p.3, on the previous Sunday 28 April 1805, 'several groups [of Aboriginal people] were assaulted near the Mountains, among whom Yaragowhy, Charley and four or five others are said to have fallen.' On page 1 of the same edition of the 'Sydney Gazette', Acting Secretary G Blaxcell stated that Governor King was distributing detachments from the New South Wales Corp in response to murders by the 'natives' among the out-settlements, that settlers were required to assist each other in repelling visits by the natives, and that any settler harbouring a 'native' would be prosecuted. On 12 May 1805, further information about the pursuit and the massacre appeared in the 'Sydney Gazette' and about Yaragowhy in particular, who was well known among the Hawkesbury settlers. According to historian Stephen Gapps the number killed in the massacre 'may have been higher than seven or eight' (Gapps, 2018, p 173).

Victims Killed: 7 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser May 5, 1805 - https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/626753/6111 and May 12, 1805 - https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/6115; Gapps 2018, p 173. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=563

Language Group, Nation or People: Thawa or Djirringany | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

Sealers (a vessel crew of 11) killed nine Aboriginal men allegedly in reprisal from an Aboriginal day time attack seeking the return of at least one Aboriginal woman abducted by the sealers. 'To intimidate them, it was thought advisable to suspend those that fell, on the limbs of trees, but before daylight the next morning, they were taken down, and carried off'. (SG, April 6, 1806, p 2)

Victims Killed: 9 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: The Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser April 6, 1806, p 2 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/627073 Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=564

Language Group, Nation or People: Oyster Bay | Colony/State/Territory at the time: VDL

On November 8, 1815, Colonial Chaplain Robert Knopwood recorded in his diary that Oyster Bay warriors had killed 930 sheep at Scantlands Plains. In 1830 settler James Hobbs in testimony to the Aborigines Committee, recalled that 300 sheep were killed and that the next day a detachment of the 48th Regiment shot 22 Oyster Bay people in reprisal. Nineteenth century historian John West, said that 'seventeen were slain' (West, cited in Shaw, 1971, p 265).

Victims Killed: 17 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Nicholls, 1977, p 216; BPP 1831, p 50; West in Shaw, 1971, p 265. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=463

Language Group, Nation or People: Gundungurra | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

At 1:00 am on 17 April 1816, a party of the 46th Regiment led by Captain James Wallis came across an Aboriginal camp on the cliffs above a creek. According to military historian, John Connor, 'Wallis ordered his troops into a line and advanced into the camp in the moonlight, killing seven Aborigines…. Wallis did not send any men around the camp to cut off people fleeing the advancing line and according to Wallis a further seven "met their fate by rushing in despair over the precipice".' (Connor 2002, p.51) According to Connor, 'Two women and three men were captured.' 'The bodies of two men, Durelle and Kanabygal, who were allegedly Aboriginal chiefs, were hauled from the creek and hanged on McGee's Hill near Boughton's farm' (Connor 2002, p 51).

Victims Killed: 14 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Wallis to Macquarie, May 4, June 4, 1816, in Connor 2002, p 51; Elder 2003, p 25. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=565

Language Group, Nation or People: Dharawal | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

[NOTE: this site is being reviewed]

Lt Weston, owner of a property at Dapto, Cornelius O'Brien, overseer of William Browne's property at Yallah and seven labourers and convict workers, attacked an Aboriginal campsite and fired muskets at them (Elder 2003, pp25-6). 'Bundle, a Native came and told me that the Natives (Men and Women) at the river were all killed.' (Wild n.d.)

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Depositions to the Sydney Bench, October 24, 1818; Report by Joseph Wild, District Constable at Illawarra n.d.; Elder 2003, p 25-6. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=566

Language Group, Nation or People: Wiradjuri | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

Following the Wiradjuri killing of seven workers in a 24 hour period on the Bathurst frontier, a detachment of the 40th regiment and an unknown number of armed and mounted settlers, overseers and stock keepers, set off in revenge. According to historian Stephen Gapps, the posse found some of the Wiradjuri people at Eight Mile Swamp Creek. '[A] volley was discharged in their midst; and ... some of them dropped, but whether males or females then they did not know.' One of the perpetrators thought that 'one was an old woman, but of the age or the sex of the others, they pleaded ignorance' (Gapps, 2021 p 145) The bodies of three women were found.

In the aftermath, six of the men who discharged their muskets were arrested and charged with manslaughter and five of them were sent to Sydney for trial. The Attorney-General Saxe Bannister, said that the action against the women was not an act of self-defence and that the law held no difference between individuals white or black. (Gapps 2021, pp.164-5). At the trial in early July 1824, magistrate William Cox said that the killing was justified because 'the natives may now be called at war with the Europeans, and that in his opinion, resistance is justifiable.' (quoted in Gapps 2021, p.166). He also argued that Governor Macquarie's Proclamation of 1816 which said that Aboriginal people must stay away from the frontier, was still in force. The jury said they did not find enough evidence to convict the accused and acquitted all five men (Gapps 2021, p.166).

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Gapps 2021, pp. 145-146, 164-6; Sydney Gazette 8 July 1824, p. 2 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/2183039. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=1090

Language Group, Nation or People: Biripi | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

In 1824, Mr Wilson took a whale boat on what is now known as the Wilson River. After the massacre of Biripi at present day Telegraph Point, the party rowed upstream to present day Ballangarra, 'where another party of blacks were encountered, and they disputed the right of these soldiers to pass. Mr Wilson and his party tried to make the natives understand what they wanted, but all to no purpose. Being loath to fire bullets at them, only as a last resort, Mr Wilson gave instructions to use small shot, but this only infuriated the blacks. However, after this encounter the tribe gave little or no trouble.' R. Wilson, 'Early Days of Port Macquarie', in The Wingham Chronicle and Manning River Observer, September 16, 1941, p4. It remains unclear whether the Mr Wilson referred to was the father of Henry Wilson, Mr William Wilson, Overseer of Public Works at Port Macquarie, or Lieutenant William Earle Bulwer Wilson who was Engineer and Inspector of Public Works. They were both in Port Macquarie at the time (pp17-28, Morris, 2005).

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: R. Wilson, 'Early Days of Port Macquarie', in The Wingham Chronicle and Manning River Observer, September 16, 1941, p4 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article168515594; Morris, Graham P Son of Caledon Kilsyth: Graham P Morris, 2005. . Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=1061

Language Group, Nation or People: Biripi | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

In 1824, Mr Wilson set out in a boat with a detachment of soldiers on the Wilson River. According to Henry Wilson's memoir, provided by R Wilson, 'After leaving Prospect', (Hack's Ferry) the party 'came upon a blacks' camp [at Telegraph Point] and the natives threw spears at the men in the boat, and some of the soldiers were hurt, but not seriously. The boat was rowed over to the shore on the opposite side to the blacks, who were taught such a lesson at the hands of the party that they never forgot, and one which taught the natives to fear the men who were firing at them' (Wilson, 1941). Henry Wilson's memoir was earlier published in Port Macquarie News of Sept 14, 1889 when he was 72 years old (p8, Morris, 2005). It remains unclear whether the Mr Wilson referred to was the father of Henry Wilson, Mr William Wilson, Overseer of Public Works at Port Macquarie, or Lieutenant William Earle Bulwer Wilson who was Engineer and Inspector of Public Works. They were both in Port Macquarie at the time (pp17-28, Morris, 2005).

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Wingham Chronicle and Manning River Observer, September 16, 1941, p4. http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article168515594; Morris, Graham P Son of Caledon Kilsyth: Graham P Morris, 2005. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=1060

Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander Place Name: Punata | Language Group, Nation or People: Tiwi | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

Poignant (1996, p 27) wrote that these events are commemorated in a corrobboree by Melville Islanders. This was the first attempt at European settlement in Northern Australia. There is no record of how many Tiwi Islanders were killed, although reports of deaths put the figure as 'minimal' notwithstanding heavy fortification and the posting of sentries. It is reported that the Tiwi consider the abandonment of Fort Dundas as a victory in repelling the English from their soil, which was threatened by grass and tree cutting and voracious use of precious water supplies.

Reid (1990, p 17) wrote that Captain Gordon Bremer arrived on 23 September with fifty marines and soldiers, and several wives and children, but without official instructions as to how he should handle the local people. He had merely been told they were 'understood to be of a ferocious disposition'. Within a month the Tiwi had attacked, and one was shot in reprisal. Thereafter the Aborigines were seldom seen but they tore down huts, speared the livestock, stole the tools of working parties. Warruminguand, in October 1826, killed a white man.

…

In November 1827 the surgeon, Dr John Gold, and storekeeper, John Henry Green, walking near Fort Dundas, were attacked and killed. By this time it was apparent that Apsley Strait was unsuitable as a trading settlement.

...

In 1828 Fort Dundas was abandoned in favour of Fort Wellington, which had been set up at Raffles Bay in July 1828, but where relations with the Aborigines were no better. The commandant, Captain Henry Smyth, possibly mindful of the experience on Melville Island, sent out armed patrols with his working parties.

Victims Killed: 10 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Poignant, R, 1996, p 27; Reid, G, 1990, p 17. See also Powell, 2016, pp 90-91 and Fredericksen, 2024, pp 1-29. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=987

Language Group, Nation or People: Wiradjuri | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

According to W.H. Suttor, 'a foreigner named Antonio [Josea Antonio Roderigo, former assigned servant to William Cox], had cultivated a patch of land [100 acres at Bila Wambuul flats] on the Macquarie River, opposite the town of Bathurst. Among other things he grew some potatoes. One day, as a large number of the black tribe [Wiradjuri] of the place came by, Antonio, moved by the spirit of good nature, gave some of his tubers to these people. Next day, they having appreciated the gift, appeared at the potato field and commenced to help themselves. This was not to Antonio's liking, who roused the people from the settlement on his behalf. They rushed down and attacked the blacks, some of whom were killed and others maimed.' (Suttor 1887, p.44) Stephen Gapps considers the Wiradjuri Camp [in Birch Close, Kelso] to be the massacre site (Gapps 2021, p.136).

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Suttor (1887), p.44; Gapps (2021), pp.134-6) Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=1088

Language Group, Nation or People: Wiradjuri | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

On 25 May 1824, Richard Lowe, convict shepherd to Richard Lewis was returning to his hut at sunset, when he was surprised to find the body of hut-keeper, Richard Taylor and the hut stripped of everything. Lowe and a convict stock worker ran to Lewis's hut to inform him of the murder and next morning Lewis rode to his neighbour, settler John Tindale at 'Warren Gunyah'. Both men set off for Bathurst to alert the magistrate Major James Morisset. En route they found one of Tindale's huts burnt down and the burnt bodies of his workers, John Dowden and James Florid. Further on, they found the body of another of Tindale's workers, James Buckley. (Gapps, 2021, p.138)

According to historian Stephen Gapps, the location of the attacks, 'is near where the Turondale Road today crosses Millah Murrah Creek between Duramana and Turondale'. (Gapps 2021, p. 139)

When Lewis and Tindale returned to Lewis's station, a detachment of soldiers had arrived with more bad news. At nearby Millah Murrah station, owned by Samuel Terry, the soldiers had 'found the bodies of two convict shepherds', John Donnelly and Joseph Rose and hired servant David Brown. (Gapps 2021, p.140-1).

Over a period of 24 hours, Wiradjuri warriors had killed seven colonial workers on the Bathurst frontier, then the furthest frontier west of Sydney. The killings constituted a massacre. As Gapps points out, 'the sight of a cart with the bodies of seven white men in it trundling through the middle of the Bathurst township sent shock waves through the district and beyond.' (Gapps 2021, p.147)

Victims Killed: 7 (Colonists); Attackers Killed: 0 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People). Sources: Gapps 2021, pp 138-47. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=1091

Language Group, Nation or People: Wiradjuri | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

A traveller through the King's Plains reported that during the conflict with Wiradjuri people in 1824, there had been 'much bloodshed' and 'slaughter':

'King's Plains are swampy, and have been generally, and are now chiefly located

for the depasturing of cattle. During the period of hostilities with the natives in 1824, this vicinity was the scene of much bloodshed. The atrocities of these misguided people on that occasion, called forth the most active measures of the local authorities, in which nearly all the respectable settlers of the district joined, under the direction of the then Commandant, Colonel Morisset. Before the termination of hostilities, martial law being in full operation, the slaughter was dreadful, but the result decidedly proved the good policy of the course adopted, for since that time the most amicable feeling has subsisted between the Aboriginal and Anglo-Australians' (The Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser, 19 Jan 1832, p 3).

This account is clear about the location of the massacre and its connection to Morriset's campaign in September 1824. Beyond that it is difficult to assign the massacre to any particular group of perpetrators.

Historian Stephen Gapps relates that Morisset sent a detachment to Swallow Creek following a raid by Wiradjuri people at King's Plains. Two Aboriginal people were reported killed and three taken prisoner. However, Gapps notes that much of the killing during 1824 may have been done by colonists other than soldiers. 'Uncle Bill Allen Junior and other Wiradyuri people today, however, are clear that it was not necessarily the "redcoats" who conducted the killings at this time, but rather that the declaration of martial law and the conditions surrounding the military campaign allowed for an "open slather" of violence' (Gapps, 2021, p 181).

Killings in this area may have also occurred as part of Morisset's campaign. According to Gapps, while two divisions headed north east the division lead by 'Magistrate Walker headed to the west' (Gapps, 2021, p 173). However, this appears to be the western arm of Morisset's sweep to the north.

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: The Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser, 19 Jan 1832, p 3 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/2204528; Gapps, 2021 Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=1118

Language Group, Nation or People: Wiradjuri | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

According to historian of the Bathurst Wars, Stephen Gapps, Theophilus Chamberlain, convict overseer to George and Henry Cox's cattle and sheep runs at Dabee Farm (later 'Rawdon' near Rylstone) in the Mudgee area and two convict stockmen were attacked on or about 10 September 1824 by a party of about 30 Wiradjuri warriors led by 'Blucher' north west of Mudgee. After a battle with boomerangs and muskets, Chamberlain shot dead 'Blucher' and two other warriors (Gapps 2021, pp.6-7). The following day, Chamberlain and the two stockmen were returning to Mudgee, when they encountered about 40 Wiradjuri warriors and after a battle, 16 were killed.

'It appeared that the whole of the natives had been engaged in burying the three men that had been killed the preceding day. The party immediately dismounted, and heaped the whole of the arms on the fires; and, whilst they were in the act of burning the same, a large number of natives (men, women, and children), came suddenly towards them. The overseer and his two men immediately mounted their horses and retreated, followed by about 40 native men; but they had few arms with them, which they threw with great fury. The overseer, warily watching the natives, and finding that they had nearly expended their arms, he and his men dismounted, tied their horses together, and faced about, commencing a fire of musquetry on the natives, then charged them with the bayonet until they were completely routed and dispersed. The natives left sixteen men dead on the field, and their weapons were completely destroyed.' (Sydney Gazette, 30 September, 1824, p2)

Victims Killed: 16 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: SG 16 September 1824, p 2 - https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/494925; Sydney Gazette, 30 September 1824, p.2 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article2183259; Gapps 2021, pp. 6-7. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=568

Language Group, Nation or People: Wiradjuri | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

In his Reminiscences 1825-1826 LE Threlkeld, a missionary, wrote that,

'There were many European

stock-holders who had suffered severely from the

depredations of the Aborigines, and consequently were

infuriated against the Blacks. One of the largest holders

of sheep in the Colony, maintained at a public meeting

at Bathurst, that the best thing that could be done, would

be to shoot all the Blacks and manure the ground with

their carcases, which was all the good they were fit for!

It was recommended likewise that the Women and

Children should especially be shot as the most certain

method of getting rid of the race. Shortly after this

declaration, martial law was proclaimed, and sad was the

havoc made upon the tribes at Bathurst. A large number

were driven into a swamp, and mounted police rode

round and round and shot them off indiscriminately until

they were all destroyed! When one of the police enquired

of the Officer if a return should be made of the killed,

wounded there were none, all were destroyed, Men

Women and Children! the reply was; - that there was

no necessity for a return. But forty-five heads were collected

and boiled down for the sake of the skulls! My informant,

a Magistrate, saw the skulls packed for exportation in a

case at Bathurst ready for shipment to accompany the

commanding Officer on his voyage shortly afterwards

taken to England' (Threlkeld in Gunson, 1974, pp 48-9).

The 'mounted police' mentioned by Threlkeld were not formed until after 1824 but Threlkeld would have assumed these to be the forces involved through his familiarity with their activities in the Hunter Valley (Connor, 2002 pp 62-69).

The incident described most likely occurred during Commander Morisset's expeditions in Wiradjuri country around Bathurst in September 1824. This expedition included divisions led by magistrates Mr Lawson, Mr Ranken, and Mr Walker (Gapps, 2021, p 172). The magistrate mentioned by Threlkeld is probably one of these, though Stephen Gapps suggests it could have been Lieutenant Percy Simpson, commandant at Wellington in 1824 (Gapps, 2021, p 188). Gapps also notes that Commandant Morisset returned to England in 1825 (Gapps, 2021, p 189) and so was most likely the 'commanding Officer' mentioned.

According to military historian John Connor (Connor 2002, p59-61), following the declaration of martial law in the Bathurst District in August 1824, about forty soldiers from the 40th Regiment led by the Commandant at Bathurst, Major Morisset, three magistrates and three mounted settlers and some Aboriginal guides set off for the region north of Bathurst. Morisset made no report of the entire Bathurst operation (Connor, 2002, p59). Gapps also notes that, 'It is likely that Morrisset made a verbal report to Governor Brisbane when he went to Sydney after the campaign - or a written report has not survived' (Gapps, 2021, p 174).

According to Gapps, 'With extra soldiers having now arrived from Sydney, making eighty-five men under his command, Morisset had enough military strength to send out a strong punitive expedition.' This force was divided into three divisions and departed on or about the 18th of September, 'in a great sweep of the terrain up to 160 kilometres around Bathurst' (Gapps, 2021, p 172).

This was reported in the Sydney Gazette:

'The Commandant, with four Magistrates, about forty soldiers, and six mounted settlers, left Bathurst for Mudgee a few days after; and as the overseer and several of the mounted settlers know that part of the country well, there is every reason to hope that they will come up with the natives and put an end to this sanguinary and desultory warfare' (The Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser, 30 Sep 1824, p 2).

One of the members of the expedition, Magistrate Ranken, wrote in a letter that they had not encountered their enemy on this expedition, but that 'Morriset goes off to Bathurst tomorrow with Lawson, the rest of us scour the country between this and Wallerawang, where Morisset and Lawson will join us, and I shall immediately start for home' (Ranken in Gapps, 2021, p 176). Gapps notes that 'While the last few days of Morisset's campaign are not reported anywhere and have been seen as a "killing spree" by some, there is no historical evidence to support this beyond Lowe's indirect reference. It seems more likely that much of the "war of extermination" was carried out by others' (Gapps, 2021, p 177).

Given that this relatively large force had been amassed and set out specifically to engage the enemy, that there was a popular expectation that this would end the war, that official reports were either not made or went missing, and that there is no record of what happened in the final phase of the expeditions, and Threlkeld's description tend to match this expedition, it is most likely that the massacre described by Threlkeld happened during the last phase of Morrissett's expedition.

Furthermore, there is no reason Wiradjuri people and their allies would have ceased their successful resistance unless there had been a catastrophic event to cause it. Only a month after reporting that Morisset's expedition had set out, the Sydney Gazette reported Wiradjuri people coming to Bathurst to make peace.

'A respectable settler from Bathurst only very

lately, informs us, that the day prior to his setting

out for the capital, two tribes of the natives, comprising about 60 in number, came in to Bathurst on

the usual peaceable footing. Saturday [Windradyne], who has

rendered himself so notorious in the aboriginal

annals, still thinks it prudent to keep out of reach,

and has not even been heard of' (The Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser, 28 Oct 1824, p 2).

In late December 140 Wiradjuri people, including Windradyne travelled to Parramatta for an annual feast held for Aboriginal people (Gapps, 2021, p 197).

The Sydney Gazette reported that, 'Between one and two

o'clock, a reinforcement of the Bathurst tribe arrived, which was supposed to have increased the

number to near upon 400 - by far the greatest

number ever known to have assembled on any similar occasion.'

and that 'Saturday [Windradyne] wore a

straw hat, on which was affixed a label, with the

word "PEACE" inserted, besides a little branch

representing the olive' (The Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser, 30 Dec 1824, p 2). Windradyne had not come willingly, 'He had been prevailed

upon to come by one of the constables, we believe, of the district, and was accompanied over the Mountains by two or three

gentlemen, who experienced some difficulty occasionally in getting him forward.' and, in spite of the hat, maintained his dignity, 'There

is a grandeur of expression in his face — a dignity and grace in

his manner, which civilised majesty could not exceed' (The Australian, 30 Dec 1824, p 3).

It was Morisset's unrecorded in person report that convinced the governor that the peace was real enough to end martial law (Gapps, 2021, p 196). This suggests Morisset had information that could not be made public but was of a decisive nature and which he was privy to. Killing was carried out by colonists in this war as well as by government forces (Uncle Bill Allen in Gapps, 2021, p 181). John Connor suggests that the sudden surrender after an otherwise effective resistance could be explained by a massacre a week before Morisset arrived in the area, in which an 'overseer at Mudgee, and two stockmen killed sixteen Wiradjuri, probably all at men, including a leader known by the settlers as "Blucher"' (Connor, 2002, p 61). This would have had a major impact, however, Wiradjuri forces were divided into seperate operational groups and Blucher's group were not the only one. Windradyne, a wiley, proud and tenacious leader, was still at large. The earlier massacre at Mudgee accounts for why Morisset's force could not engage Wiradjuri forces in the north - they would have evaded them elsewhere by then. Descriptions of killings in various specific locations surviving in Wiradjuri oral history (Gapps, 2021, p 189) suggest that more incidents occured than were recorded in writing by colonists. Although attacks beyond the law could be brutal and devastating, it is most likely not sporadic skirmishes and attacks from colonists against Wiradjuri people that brought an end to the war. Although Morisset often complained of a lack of horses because foot soldiers could easily be evaded, the divisions included 'a mounted reconnaissance arm, and a cavalry element' (Gapps, 2021, p175). It is more likely that the war was ended by a combination of attacks from colonists with a decisive attack made by the combined military and militia force that set out on a methodical campaign with the specific purpose of engaging their enemy and ending the war that ended the war.

Locating this massacre is difficult with the scant information available. Threlkeld indicates only that it occurred in a swamp. There are many places in Wiradjuri country that could be the swamp. Gapps notes that the locations of killings recorded in Wiradjuri oral history 'on the Cudgegong at Dabee, the Bogee Swamp, or the Brymair Valley all fit the description of a "swamp"' (Gapps, 2021, p 189). One of these stories involves 'redcoats' (Descendent of Jimmy Lambert in Gapps, 2021, p 185). These are in valleys far to the east. These regions would be an ideal area for a resistance force, with a 10km region including wetlands surrounded by a horseshoe of steep ranges, and adjoining the impregnable Wollemi region. It took Ranken 10 days to reach the Hunter Valley after separating from Morisset and meet him again at Mudgee. It is unlikely that Ranken's division would have been able to make it this far east through more rugged country on the way to Wallerawang.

A traveller in 1832 reported that King's Plains were 'swampy' and that in 1824, settlers and soldiers had been called together 'under the direction of the then Commandant, Colonel Morisset', and a 'slaughter' had occurred (The Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser, 19 Jan 1832, p 3). However, it's not clear whether the reference is to Colonel Morisset's command at that time generally or a specific expedition. When Ranken and Morisset left Mudgee, Morisset went south towards Bathurst and Ranken went south east to rendezvous at Wallerawang. It is possible if riding hard but unlikely that Morisset's force would have ridden south to Bathurst then west to King's Plains, before riding east to Wallerawang for the rendezvous with Ranken.

Having failed to engage the enemy in the north, it's likely Morisset took the most direct route back to Bathurst, which is similar to the main road between Mudgee and Bathurst today, following the Cudgegong River before heading to Bathurst (Baker & Mitchell, 1843). He may have encountered Wiradjuri near the Turon River on the way [note: this massacre site was previously marked at Turon River]. Morisset and Ranken's forces probably separated at the Cudgegong River where it turns east, with Morisset taking valleys to the south west and Ranken heading through valleys to the south east.

William Lawson, who had preceded Morisset as commandant at Bathurst had written that he was 'afraid we shall never exterminate them, they having such an extensive mountainous country for them to flee from their pursuers' (Lawson in Gapps, 2021, p 151). Swamps near mountains would be ideal for Aboriginal warriors evading colonial forces, being a cornucopia of food, requiring local knowledge to navigate around wetter parts, and offering a retreat into mountains. Directly on the route through the valley between the Cudgegong River and Wallerawang is a large area named 'Round Swamp', feeding into the Turon River, within 4 kilometres of mountain ranges on either side, with the Capertee Ranges on the eastern side being especially rugged. W.H. Suttor describes two massacres that are different in their details to Threlkeld's description, but also mentions more generally that, 'Under this condition of things [martial law] the blacks were shot down without any respect. Getting the worst of it, most of them [Aboriginal people] made into the deep dells of the Capertee country, and, although some escaped, many were killed there' (Suttor, 1887, p45). Given that Wiradjuri warriors had not been detected by 3 groups sweeping the north as far as the Hunter Valley, it's reasonable to think they had evaded detection in the ranges and valleys further east. Given that Morisset dispatched Ranken in that direction it is likely this was also Morisset's surmise. Ranken's disappointment at not encountering enemies suggests that if he did encounter them he would have attacked with full force. While there are various possibilities, it seems most likely that the large massacre Threlkeld speaks of occurred near Round Swamp between the Cudgegong River and Wallerawang.

Victims Killed: 45 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Gunson, 1974; Connor, 2002; The Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser, 30 Sep 1824, p2 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/2183259; The Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser, 28 Oct 1824 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article2183320; Baker & Mitchell, 1843 http://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-2236343516; Suttor, 1887 https://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-656531177; The Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser, 30 Dec 1824, p 2 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/2183548; The Australian, 30 Dec 1824, p 3 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/37071644/4248457; The Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser, 19 Jan 1832 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/2204528 Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=569

Language Group, Nation or People: Biripi | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

In late 1825, according to H L Wilson, the first superintendent of works at the penal settlement at Port Macquarie, 'three men were sent to ... Blackman's Point to split shingles, and two were killed by the blacks. When the survivor reached the camp and related the circumstances, a party of Buffs (soldiers from the 4th Regiment) was sent out to chastise the blacks, and right well was the work carried out. The soldiers surrounded the aborigines, and shot a great many of them; they also captured a lot of women, used them for an immoral purpose, and then shot them. The offending soldiers were sent to Sydney for trial, but managed to escape punishment.' (H L Wilson, 'Early Days at Port Macquarie', 1889. np.)

Victims Killed: 20 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Henry Lewis Wilson, 'Early Days at Port Macquarie', 1889, republished by T Dick, The Port Macquarie News and Hastings River Advocate, Feb 5, 1921, p4 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/112735677 Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=1062

Language Group, Nation or People: Wonnarua, Wiradjuri | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

Following the killing of two shepherds at Mr Laycock's Farm at Putty in early November 1825, a party of soldiers and constables was deployed from Windsor to 'intercept' the Aboriginal killers, who were widely believed to comprise warriors from Wollombi Creek and Singleton as well as Wiradjuri from Bathurst. The party from Windsor encountered a group of Aboriginal people camped at Garland Valley near Putty and in a dawn attack, killed at least six of them. According to naval surgeon and author, Peter Cunningham, it was later discovered that they were a friendly Aboriginal group. (Cunningham, 1827 cited in Dunn, 2020, p158-9 and Milliss, 1992, p 55)

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Cunningham, 1827 vol. II, pp 38-40; Milliss 1992, pp 54-5; Dunn 2020, pp 158-9. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=944

Language Group, Nation or People: Paredarerme | Colony/State/Territory at the time: VDL

Historian James Bonwick recorded the story of a male convict who was 'engaged as one of the convict crew of a small coaster, carrying round a party of ladies and gentlemen to the east coast. Landing for the night at East Bay Neck, a notable place for depredations at that period [in 1826], he heard the stealthy approach of the bloodthirsty tribe, when his companions were asleep. Arousing the crew, and putting them upon their guard, he permitted the band of some forty marauders to near the fire, when, at a signal from him, a general discharge of muskets took place, which strewed the ground with dead and dying.' (Bonwick 1870, p.123)

Victims Killed: 40 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Bonwick 1870, p.123. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=1093

Language Group, Nation or People: Oyster Bay / Little Swanport | Colony/State/Territory at the time: VDL

In March 1826, following the alleged killing by Oyster Bay warriors of Roberts, a convict servant assigned to settler Thomas Buxton, at 'Mayfield', Oyster Bay, the magistrate at Waterloo Point recorded four or five years later, that at the time of the incident a party went out after them and that one Aborigine was wounded.(TAHO CSO 1/316/7478, p 840). A few years later Buxton's neighbour, Dr Story, interviewed Buxton's daughter about the incident and sent her account to historian James Bonwick (1870, p 117). She said that the party killed several Aborigines at their camp that night.

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: TAHO CSO 1/316, 1831, p 840; Bonwick, 1870, p 117. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=475

Language Group, Nation or People: Wonnarua | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

The massacre was carried out on the Wonnarua people on the evening of 1 September 1826. The massacre was in reprisal for fifteen Wonnarua men of 'the neighbourhood of Glenny's Creek' killing two convict workers Henry Cottle and Morty Kernan on 28 August 1826, at the hut of Richard Alcorn who was overseer of Capt. Robert Lethbridge's Bridgman Estate, Fal Brook, near Ravensworth in the Hunter Valley (The Sydney Gazette and NSW Advertiser, 9 Sep 1826 p 3). Magistrate Robert Scott led a party of 14 (five mounted police, four convict stockmen and four Aboriginal trackers, all armed) that pursued and 'came suddenly upon' an Aboriginal camp in the evening of 1 September 1826. They killed at least 18 Wonnarua people and wounded more. (The Australian September 23, 1826, p 3). Governor Darling enclosed Scott's report of the massacre in his dispatch November 1826, ML A 1197, vol.8, p.344. Historian Mark Dunn provides the most recent account of the massacre (Dunn 2020, 167-171).

Cotter argues that James Bowman's Ravensworth Estate, neighbouring Lethbridge's, was the 'epicentre' of conflict in the region (Cotter, 2022 p 4).

Victims Killed: 18 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: The Sydney Gazette and NSW Advertiser, 9 Sep 1826 p 3 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/2186503; The Australian, September 16, 1826, p2, https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/37072221, and September 23, 1826, p3 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/4248925; NSW Governors' Despatches ML A1197, vol. 8, p344; Dunn 2020, pp167-171; Cotter, 2022 https://www.ipcn.nsw.gov.au/resources/pac/media/files/pac/projects/2022/02/glendell-continued-operations-project-ssd-9349/public-submissions/general-public-submissions/220328-maria-cotter_redacted.pdf. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=570

Language Group, Nation or People: Port Sorell [Pallittore North] | Colony/State/Territory at the time: VDL

A report in the Hobart Town Gazette(September 23, 1826, p2) stated: 'It is with pain we learn that a skirmish has taken place between numerous tribes of the black natives, and some stockkeepers, on the other side of the island, in which many of the former were severely wounded, if not slain. They made, it would appear, an outrageous attack on the cattle and persons of the stockmen, and provoked them to fire in self-defence.'

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: HTG September 23, 1826 - https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/679510 Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=487

Language Group, Nation or People: Oyster Bay | Colony/State/Territory at the time: VDL

When a mob of Oyster Bay people led by Black Tom (Kickerterpoller) the most feared Aboriginal warrior in Van Diemen's Land were seen in the Pittwater area on 9 December 1826, the District Constable, Alexander Laing, four soldiers of the 40th regiment and some stock-keepers, killed 14 of them and captured ten others, including their leader, Kickerterpoller. The capture was reported by magistrate at Sorell, James Gordon, to the Colonial Secretary in Hobart later that day and reported in the two Hobart newspapers a week later (Gordon to Col Sec, 10 December 1826, TAHO CSO 1/331, pp 194-195; CTTA, December 15, 1826; HTG, December 16, 1826). However neither Gordon nor the newspapers acknowledged the massacre. Yet Kickerterpoller who was wanted for murder, was released on 9 January 1827, along with his nine compatriots. A coverup had taken place. In March 1830, Chief District Constable Gilbert Robertson was the first to mention the massacre in evidence to the Aborigines Committee and stated that: 'The Richmond Police in 1827, killed fourteen of the natives, who had got upon a hill, and threw stones upon them. The police expended all their ammunition, and then charged with a bayonet.' (BPP, 1831, p 221) In 1948, local historian Roy Bridges (1948, p 69) provided more information: 'Black Tom and his force of natives, after a succession of outrages through the Richmond Police District and beyond, were chased by Chief District Constable Lang [sic] and his men up the Sorell Valley, overtaken and destroyed near the head-waters of the rivulet.' Lyndall Ryan and Robert Cox have each reconstructed the events leading to the massacre (Ryan, 2012, pp 87-89; Cox, 2021, pp 90-101).

Victims Killed: 14 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: TAHO CSO 1/331, pp 194-195; CTTA December 15, 1826 - http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article2449083; HTG December 16, 1826; https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/679629 BPP 1831, p 49; Bridges 1948, p 69; Ryan, 2012, pp 87-89; Cox, 2021, pp 90-101. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=464

Language Group, Nation or People: Wonnarua | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

On 3 March 1827, the Sydney newspapers, the Australian and the Monitor, reported that Aboriginal people's dogs had been attacking sheep and that a shepherd on EG Cory's estate at the Paterson River in the Hunter Valley had killed a dog belonging to Aboriginal people (Wonnarua). In reprisal, Wonnarua warriors wounded the shepherd and set fire to grass and wheat on Mr Cory's estate. The newspapers added that 2 mounted police dispatched after the event were ineffective. On 22 March the Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser reported that, 'about a dozen black natives have been shot in the neighbourhood of Hunter's River, within 10 or 12 miles of Mr. Magistrate McLeod's estate;' and lamented that no Justice of the Peace was near enough to investigate. It added, 'The natives were in the act of retreating, laden with produce of the maize field, and were so courageous and impudent as to irritate the whites and attack them with spears, when, in self-defence (we believe) twelve of the blacks were left dead on the field.' Two days later on 24 March, the Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser connected this incident with Mr Cory's property, saying that flocks had been attacked by dogs and spears were thrown at the shepherd. After retreating to a hut the shepherd was joined by another servant, and they shot and killed 12 Aboriginal people (although it seems unlikely that 2 men could kill so many Aboriginal people in one operation). The incident was clarified fifty years later. On 25 August 1877, the Maitland Mercury recorded that, 'a man who was present, as he admits, when a party had formed for the purpose of punishing the blacks for pulling cobs of maize in the field, and carrying it off in their nets to their camps. Observing some smoke rising from the midst of the Wallalong Brush, they armed themselves with muskets, and reached unobserved to the camp, where a considerable number of men, women and children were. They fired at once upon them, killing some and wounding others. The rest fled through the bush, pursued by the whites, and then the whole of the natives took to the water intervening between the brush and the high land, towards which it gradually deepened, and some of the poor creatures drowned. My informant, now a very old man, while expressing regret as to occurrence, said the worst part of the whole all was, they afterwards discovered, that not one of those who were "wanted" was among them.' (Maitland Mercury, August 25,1877, p10) The witness appears to have been an overseer at the Cory estate in 1827 and waited until Cory in died on 7 March 1873 before revealing his involvement in the massacre.

Victims Killed: 12 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: The Australian, March 3, 1827, p 3 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/rendition/nla.news-page4249109.pdf; The Monitor, March 9, 1827, p 2 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article31758262; Sydney Gazette, March 22, 1827, p 2 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article2187895; March 24, 1827, p 3 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article2187904; Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser, August 25, 1877, p.10. https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/18831954 Debenham, 2020, pp 10-13. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=625

Language Group, Nation or People: Oyster Bay | Colony/State/Territory at the time: VDL

On May 4 1827 on page 3, the Colonial Times reported that three weeks earlier, Thomas Rawling [Rawlins] and Edward Green, servants of settler Walter Davidson on the Elizabeth River, had been killed by a party of Aborigines led by Black Tom (Kickerterpoller) and "Several persons assisted by a small party of soldiers made immediate pursuit." The incident was also reported in the Hobart Town Gazette. While both newspapers reported the finding of the bodies of Green and Rawlins, accounts of fatalities in the reprisal varied from a tally of 'not less than thirty' (Colonial Times, 11 May 1827, p 2) to the claim that 'not a single Native was killed' (Colonial Times, 25 May 1827, p 4). . Further information appeared in 2002, p 13 in a published memoir of settler James George, who recorded the aftermath: "Having seen their fires in a gully near the River Macquarie, some score of armed men, Constables, Soldiers and Civilians, and Prisoners (convicts) or assigned Servants, who fell in with the Natives when they was going to their Breakfast. They fired volley after volley in among the Blackfellows, they reported killing some two score".

Victims Killed: 40 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: HTG May 5,1827 - https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/679817; CTTA May 4, 1827 - https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/679292, CTTA May 11, 1827 - https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/679295, CTTAMay 25, 1827 - https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/679305; BPP 1831, pp 48-49; George, 2002, p 13; Ryan, 2012, p 90. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=478

Language Group, Nation or People: Oyster Bay | Colony/State/Territory at the time: VDL

In May 1827 Richard Addey, stock keeper to Andrew Gatehouse, was killed by Oyster Bay Aborigines. The reprisal killings that followed were not made public for nearly 50 years when historian James Bonwick (1870) published the interview he conducted 20 years after the incident with one of the perpetrators, stockman James Gumm who was assigned servant to settler George Meredith. Gumm told Bonwick that a party of 30 colonists – comprising constables, soldiers (of the 40th Regiment), and neighbours, the master of the slain stock keeper, John Radford and himself - set off in bloody revenge. They heard that a large group of Aboriginal people were camped for the night in the gully by Sally Peak, 10 kilometres from Bushy Plains, on the border of Prosser's Plains. 'They proceeded stealthily as they neared the spot; and, agreeing upon a signal, moved quietly in couples, until they had surrounded the sleepers. The whistle of the leader was sounded, and volley after volley of ball cartridge was poured in upon the dark groups around the little camp-fires. The number slain was considerable' (Bonwick, 1870, pp 98-99).

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Bonwick, 1870, pp 98-99. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=466

Language Group, Nation or People: Port Sorell [Pallittore North] | Colony/State/Territory at the time: VDL

This massacre is part of a group of massacres

Following the Pallittore killing of William Knight, overseer at TC Simpson's stock-hut at Dairy Plains on 23 June1827, Peter Mulgrave, the Police Magistrate at Launceston, dispatched Corporals William Shiners and James Lingan from the 40th Regiment to Gibson's hut at the Western Marshes (Dairy Plains) where they met Field Constable Williams. Shiners expanded his party to include four stockmen on horseback, Thomas Baker, James Cubit, Henry Smith and Thomas White. At the end of day on 26 June they surrounded a Pallittorre camp of six fires at Laycock Falls (Westmoreland Falls) at the base of Quamby Bluff. They waited until dawn to attack and allegedly killed between 30-60 Pallittorre (Laycock in Mulgrave to Col. Sec. 6 July 1827, TAHO CSO 1/316/7578, p 15-37; Ryan, 2008, p 492). Two different accounts of reprisal killings appeared in the same issue of the Colonial Times (July 6, 1827, p 4). The first account stated that: 'The Military instantly pursued the blacks – brought home numerous trophies, such as spears, waddies, tomahawks, muskets, blankets – killed upwards of 30 dogs, and as the report says, nearly as many natives, but this is not a positive fact.' The second account stated that: 'The people over the second Western Tier have killed an immense quantity of blacks this last week, in consequence of their having murdered Mr Simpson's stockkeeper. They were surrounded whilst sitting around their fires when the soldiers and others fired at them about 30 yards distant. They report there must have been about 60 of them killed and wounded.' The official report of this incident however, said that 'between twenty and thirty of their dogs' were killed and one Aboriginal 'possibly wounded.' When government agent, G.A. Robinson, traveled through the area in September 1830, stock keeper Thomas Johnson told him that William Knight was known to 'kill Aborigines for sport' (Plomley, 1966, p 219; 2008, p 254). Historian Shayne Breen (2001) considers that the accounts in the Colonial Times, relate to two separate incidents.

The massacre is the first of four carried out by the party in an 18 day killing spree known as the Quamby Bluff massacres.

Victims Killed: 30 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: TAHO CSO 1/316, 15-37; CTTA, July 6, 1827 - https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/679329; Breen, 2001; Ryan, 2008, pp 492-493; Plomley, 1996, p 219; 2008, p 254. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=481

Language Group, Nation or People: Port Sorell [Pallittore North] | Colony/State/Territory at the time: VDL

This massacre is part of a group of massacres

Following the first massacre of 30 Pallittore at Quamby Brook on 26 June 1827, in reprisal for the killing by Pallittorre warriors of stock-keeper William Knight, overseer to settler TC Simpson at Dairy Plains on 23 June 1827. Corporal William Shiner's party included Corporal James Lingren, district constable Williams and stock keepers, Thomas Baker, James Cubit, Henry Smith and Thomas White. They attacked a Pallittore camp at Quamby Brook on 27 June 1827 and allegedly killed 30 of them. This was the second massacre in the 'Quamby Bluff' massacres.

Victims Killed: 30 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: CTTA July 6, 1827, p 4 - https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/679329; TAHO CSO 1/316, pp 15-45; Plomley, 2008, p 254; Breen, 2001, p 27; Ryan, 2008, p 493. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=483

Language Group, Nation or People: Pallittore | Colony/State/Territory at the time: VDL

This massacre is part of a group of massacres

On 3 July 1827 the Pallittorre killed two shepherds assigned to settlers William Widowson and Abraham Walker at Dairy Plains, sixty kilometers west of Launceston. Corporals John Shiners and James Lingan, field constable Thomas Williams and stockmen Thomas Baker, James Cubit, Henry Smith and William White, set off in reprisal. Three years later, stock-keeper George Johnson told government agent GA Robinson that on this occasion 'the soldiers killed nine or ten' Pallittore. (Plomley, 1966, p 219 ; 2008, p 254 ) This is the third reprisal massacre carried out by Shiners and his party in an 18 day killing spree in which at least 78 Pallittore were killed and is known as the Quamby Bluff killings.

Victims Killed: 9 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Colonial Times, 6 July 1827; Plomley, 1966, p 219; 2008, p 254. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=1052

Language Group, Nation or People: Port Sorell [Pallittore North] | Colony/State/Territory at the time: VDL

This massacre is part of a group of massacres

Nine Pallittore Aboriginal people were killed in in reprisal for the attempted killing of Thomas Baker, overseer to landowner David Gibson at Dairy Plains. The dawn attack on the Pallittore camp near Quamby Bluff was probably led by Corporals William Shiners and James Lingan, assisted by District Constable Thomas Williams and stock-keepers James Cubit, Henry Smith and Thomas White. This was the 4th reprisal massacre in the cluster known as the Quamby Bluff killings. They were carried out in reprisal for the killing of an overseer and the wounding of another; and the killing of two shepherds. It is estimated that more than 78 Pallittore were killed in the four massacres.

Victims Killed: 9 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: TAHO CSO 1/316, 15-37; Plomley, 2008, p 254; Ryan, 2008, p 491. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=486

Language Group, Nation or People: Iwaidja | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

According to archaeologist John Mulvaney (1989, p 69), on 30 July 1827, Captain Henry Smyth, 39th Regiment Commandant at the British Settlement at Fort Wellington, Raffles Bay, exasperated by 'habitual pilfering' by the Iwaidja, 'and following the wounding of a soldier [James Taylor]…responded by ordering an indiscriminate attack' on the Iwaidja encampment with an 18 pound cannon and killed up to 30 men, women and children.

The settlement [Fort Wellington] had been established only a year earlier, following clashes with the Tiwi people at Fort Dundas on nearby Melville Island. John Sweatman, the clerk on board HMS Bramble which visited the fort in 1846, recorded both the event and the effect the killings would have had on the Iwaidja: 'Here [at Fort Wellington] the party again found the natives hostile and after being perpetually attacked, Capt. Smythe, the commandant, determined to try the effect of a severe lesson; he accordingly turned his people out and in one night shot about 30 of the natives, the rest flying for their lives. The consequence of this decisive measure may be imagined, when it is remembered that the severest conflicts of the natives themselves often involve the loss of more than one life, and even that is sufficient to throw a whole tribe into the deepest sorrow and frenzy: it quite settled the matter, no more natives were seen for some months' (Allen & Corris, 1977, pp 135-136). See also the Fort Dundas massacre.

Victims Killed: 30 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Mulvaney 1989, p 69; Allen & Corris 1977, pp 135-136. See also: HRA, III, Vol v, pp 816-20 https://doi.org/10.26181/22300321.v1; HRA III, Vol vi, p 777 https://doi.org/10.26181/22300324.v1; Wilson 1968, p 148; Connor 2002, p 74; McKenna 2016, p 73; Powell 2016, p 90-91; The Colonist, August 4, 1838, p 5 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article31721457. See also Powell, 2016, pp 90-91. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=571

Language Group, Nation or People: Big River | Colony/State/Territory at the time: VDL

When Aboriginal warriors were alleged to have killed three shepherds and slaughtered 100 sheep in the Blackman river area in early November 1827 , the Tasmanian on November 16 1827 reported: "two parties of military were dispatched, ...in order to join the Field Police in putting a stop to these outrages; and we trust his Excellency will follow up this matter with such measures as will entirely prevent any future occurrences of a similar nature." In January 1828, when the Land Commissioners arrived in the area one of them noted in his journal at the junction of Brumby Creek and Lake River that: "mysterious Murders have also been committed in this recess, and have hitherto remained undetected" (McKay, 1962, p 74).

Victims Killed: 10 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Tasmanian November 16, 1827 - https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/25173464; McKay, 1962, p 74. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=473

Language Group, Nation or People: Port Sorell [Pallittore North] | Colony/State/Territory at the time: VDL

Traveling through the Surry Hills on 12 August 1830, government agent GA Robinson was informed by Henry Hellyer, the surveyor of the VDL Co of an incident at "The Retreat", a cattle run on the Meander River at Dairy Plains, leased by Hobart solicitor, Gamiel Butler. In 1827 stockkeeper Paddy Heagon 'shot nineteen of the western natives with a swivel gun charged with nails' (Plomley, 2008, p 231; 1966, pp 197-198).

Victims Killed: 19 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Plomley, 2008, p 231; 1966, pp 197-198. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=480

Language Group, Nation or People: North West | Colony/State/Territory at the time: VDL

Richard Frederick, master of the VDL Co sloop, Fanny, told Mrs Rosalie Hare, wife of the captain of the Caroline, that he and four shepherds had surprised a party of Aborigines at Cape Grim, killing 12 of them before retreating to their ship. Mrs Hare recorded the incident in her diary on 19 January 1828 (Lee, 1927, p 41). Edward Curr, the manager of the VDL Company, acknowledged the attack in a report to his superiors in London on 14 January 1828 but claimed there were no casualties because "the guns mis-fired." (TAHO VDL 5/1 No.2) According to historian Ian McFarlane, the massacre was carried out in reprisal for Aboriginal people killing sheep (McFarlane, 2003, pp 277-298).

Victims Killed: 12 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: TAHO VDL 5/1 No. 2; Lee, 1927, p 41; McFarlane, 2003, pp 277-298. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=493

Language Group, Nation or People: Worimi | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

Capt. Thomas Cook, Magistrate 'of the whole country north of Newcastle', in the mid 1820s, recorded that 'a band of blacks stole a child, the daughter of Mrs Easterbook, whose husband was a clerk of the AA Company at Stroud. They disappeared in a northerly direction but were pursued by a party of armed soldiers and assigned servants and overtaken some twenty miles away. Eleven blacks were killed and the child recovered.' (Bennett 1964, p.12-13). The rescue/reprisal party appears to have been on foot.

Victims Killed: 11 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Bennett 1964, p 12-13. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=644

Language Group, Nation or People: North West | Colony/State/Territory at the time: VDL

Four shepherds employed by the VDL Co, Charles Chamberlain, John Weavis, William Gunshannon and Richard Nicholson, crept up on a group of Aborigines hunting and shot 30 dead and then threw their bodies to the rocks below. The incident was reported by a VDL Company officer, Alexander Goldie to Lieutenant-governor Arthur in Hobart in November 1829 (TAHO CSO 1/333, p 116-117). Arthur then ordered his agent, G.A. Robinson, to investigate the incident during his visit to the area between June and September 1830. Robinson interviewed two of the four perpetrators who confirmed the number killed and the location of the incident but said that only one woman had been shot (Plomley, 2008, p 206-207). Robinson then interviewed an Aboriginal woman witness, who confirmed the number killed but insisted that many of the victims were women (Plomley, 2008, pp 212-214). However, Edward Curr, the superintendent of the VDL Company, in a dispatch to the Board of Governors in London on October 7 1830, reported that only six Aborigines were killed and several wounded and then revised down the number killed to three (TAHO VDL 5/1, pp 104-105). Historian Ian McFarlane provides the most comprehensive account of the massacre (McFarlane, 2003, pp 277-298).

Victims Killed: 30 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: TAHO CSO 1/333, pp 116-117; Plomley, 2008, pp 206-207, 212-214; TAHO VDL 5/1, pp 104-105; McFarlane, 2003, pp 277-298. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=494

Language Group, Nation or People: Big River | Colony/State/Territory at the time: VDL

On 4 March 1828, Aboriginal warriors killed stockman William Walker on the Den Hill road near Bothwell (TAHO CSO 1/323 p 113; HTC March 15, 1828, p 3; HTC 22 March 1828, pp 3-4). Three years later, when government agent G.A. Robinson passed through the area, he was told by settler Robert Barr that in reprisal, a group of stockmen 'killed seventeen Natives; that they had first killed seven and they then followed them to a lagoon and killed ten more. The Natives could not get away' (Plomley, 1966, p 503; 2008, p 537).

Victims Killed: 17 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: TAHO CSO 1/323, 113; HTC, March 15, 1828, p 3 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/641575; HTC, March 22, 1828, pp 3-4 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/641580; Plomley, 1966, p 503; 2008, p 537. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=468

Language Group, Nation or People: Gamilaraay or Guyinbaraay | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

According to a report in The Monitor newspaper, 4 August 1828, p.8, 'Dr Little, of Upper Hunters River,' crossed the Liverpool Range 'and, on coming to a hut, found, to his horror and astonishment, the bodies of some half dozen of black natives, stretched along the earth. From the putrid state of the corpses, it was evident they had been slaughtered a long time. He pursued his journey till he fell in with the white people, stock-keepers and others. He learnt from them, that a large body of blacks had suddenly made their appearance, but whether they paid their visit hostilely, or merely came in great numbers for self-protection, the stock-keepers admitted they could not tell. However, acting in concert, our people commenced a destructive fire of musquetry upon them, and the blacks presently fled. Such were the circumstances of the fight, that some of the black fugitives on being pursued, ascended the trees in hopes of escaping, whence they were brought down by the balls of the assailants.' According to Milliss 1992, p 78-82, at least ten stockmen were involved in the attack on an Aboriginal camp in reprisal for cattle theft. Three stockmen, 'Captain Pike' and two others nicknamed 'The Barber' and 'The Londoner' were 'remarkably active' in the affair. Milliss indicates that more Aboriginal people were killed for it took the stockmen several days to burn the bodies. Despite two letters from other settlers reporting the incident to the Colonial Secretary, the incident was not followed up.

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: The Monitor, August 4, 1828, p 8 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article31760465; Milliss 1992, p 78-82; SRNSW 4/1983, CSR 28/7772, Letters Received 1828; Dunn to McLeay, May 6, 1828; Sadlier to McLeay, September 19, 1828. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=572

Language Group, Nation or People: Oyster Bay | Colony/State/Territory at the time: VDL

At the end of March 1828, Oyster Bay warriors killed Henry Beames, stock keeper to settler William Robertson on the Elizabeth River. James Simpson, the magistrate at Campbell Town, ordered a party of soldiers from the 40th Regiment along with stock keepers and field police to pursue the culprits. In his report to the Colonial Secretary a few days later he said that: 'it is believed that 17 Aborigines were slaughtered' (Simpson to Col. Sec. April 1, 1828, TAHO CSO 1/316/7578, p 137). The killing of Henry Beams was reported in the Hobart Town Courier on April 5, p 3, but did not mention the reprisal massacre. At the hearings of the Aborigines Committee two years later, Gilbert Robertson, the Chief District Constable at Richmond, testified that 'great ravages were committed by a party of constables and some of the 40th Regiment, sent from Campbell Town; the party consisted of five or six; they got the Natives between two perpendicular rocks, between which there was a sort of shelf on which the Natives got; has heard and does believe that 70 of them were killed by that party; ...the party killed them by firing all their ammunition upon them, and then dragging the women and children from the crevices in the rocks and dashing out their brains; ...believes, from Dugdale's account, who was one of the party, that the whole tribe was destroyed.' However, settler Mr Robertson disputed the massacre and said that 'no bodies were found' (BPP, 1831, pp 48-49). In 1835, Henry Melville, in The History of Van Diemen's Land, (1835, pp 71-72) provided an account of the incident from an eyewitness: 'A mob of some score or so of natives, men, women, and children, had been discovered by their fires, and a whole parcel of the Colonists armed themselves, and proceeded to the spot. These advanced unperceived, and were close to the natives, when the dogs gave the alarm; the natives jumped up in a moment, and then the signal for slaughter was given, fire-arms were discharged, and those poor wretches who could not hide themselves from the light thrown on their persons by their own fires, were destroyed...One man...was shot, he sprang up, turned round like a whipping top, and fell dead; - the party then went up to the fires, found a great number of waddies and spears, and an infant sprawling on the ground, which one of the party pitched into one of the fires.'

Victims Killed: 17 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: TAHO CSO 1/316, p 137; HTC April 5, 1828 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/64; Melville, 1835, in Mackaness, 1965, pp 71-72. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=477

Language Group, Nation or People: Oyster Bay / Big River | Colony/State/Territory at the time: VDL

A settler, Robert Ayrton wrote to the Aborigines Committee on March 1, 1830 about an 'affray' between soldiers and Aboriginal warriors that took place in the Eastern Tiers in July 1828. 'On this occasion not less than sixteen of them [the Aborigines] were massacred and gathered into heaps and buried.' Two weeks later he repeated his claim in a deposition at the Launceston Police Office: 'A party of soldiers of the 40th Regiment and some constables went in quest of the Aborigines. On the return of the party (to Oatlands) I heard many of them boast, that they had killed sixteen of the natives, one man in particular boasted that he had run his bayonet through two of them, and that they gathered them into a heap and burned their bodies. I think that Constable Danvers stationed at Oatlands was one of the number, the soldiers do not recollect this.' The two guides were never questioned about this incident. By March 1830 the 40th Regiment were preparing to depart for India. This incident does not appear to have been a reprisal killing.

Victims Killed: 16 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: TAHO CSO 1/320, pp 152-154; TAHO CSO 1/330, p 109. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=470

Language Group, Nation or People: Oyster Bay | Colony/State/Territory at the time: VDL

In two separate attacks over two weeks in October 1828, near the northern and western shores of Lake Tiberias, 23 Oyster Bay warriors, possibly led by Tongerlongter, killed Anne Geary and Mrs Gough and two of her little girls and then Mrs Langford's son, John. On 23 October a reprisal party of 'stockkeepers and others', 'fell upon' the warriors' campsite near Cockatoo Valley at 11pm and fired after them, (HTC, Nov, 1, 1828) and 'killed and wounded a considerable number' (The Tasmanian, October 31, 1828). The killing of the two women, the little girls and the boy was the trigger for the proclamation of martial law on 5 November 1828.

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: The Tasmanian, October 31, 1828 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/25173660; HTC October 18http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article4220434; November 1, 1828 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/641811; Ryan, 2012, pp 103-105. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=471

Language Group, Nation or People: Oyster Bay / Little Swanport | Colony/State/Territory at the time: VDL

After Aboriginal people killed settler Adam Wood and two shepherds, on 6 December 1828 an armed party of nine soldiers of the 40th Regiment, two constables, and guides, John Danvers and William Holmes, surrounded an Aboriginal camp at Tooms Lake at daybreak. Three days later, the guide, John Danvers, reported to Thomas Anstey, the police magistrate at Oatlands: 'One of them getting up from a small fire to a large one, discovered us and gave the alarm to the rest, and the whole of them jumpt [sic] up immediately and attempted to take up their spears in defense, and seeing that, we immediately fired and repeated it because we saw they were on the defensive part, they were about twenty in Number and several of whom were killed, two only were, unfortunately taken alive' (Danvers to Anstey, 10 December 1828, TAHO CSO 1/320/7578, p 22). The Hobart Town Courier (December 13, 1828, p 2) also reported the incident: 'The party of the 40th regiment which was led into the bush by John Danvers and William Holmes, is returned, bringing with them a black woman and her boy, the only prisoners made in the attack upon the Aborigines at the Great [Tooms] Lake at the source of the Macquarie River. Ten of the natives were killed on the spot and the rest fled.'

Victims Killed: 10 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: TAHO CSO 1/320, p 22; HTC December 13, 1828, p 2 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/641858. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=474

Language Group, Nation or People: Whadjuk Noongar | Colony/State/Territory at the time: SRC

In 1914 a local historian, 'C.B' described an increase in conflict in 1831, during which sheep were driven off from the farms of Mr Brown and Mr Bull. 'The opening months of the year 1831 passed without any serious outbreak, but in September and October there was a recrudescence of the depredations. At this period The Most Serious Raid chronicled up to then took place on the stock at the Upper Swan. Nearly 100 sheep were looted from the locations of Messrs. Brown and Bull, and a strong party of natives being detected in the act. The natives were driven off, but not before half of the captured stock had been killed and eaten' (Western Mail, 16 Jan 1914, p 53). C.B. says that no aboriginal people were killed in these reprisals, but earlier sources indicate a massacre or massacres occurred in the aftermath.

Early colonist Captain Charles Fremantle wrote of an incident in the Swan Valley after over 40 of Peter Brown's sheep were taken by local Noongar people in what they clearly considered an act of reciprocity and exchange of food. Local Noongar approached the farm shouting 'Kangaroo, Kangaroo!' suggesting exchange of sheep for the kangaroo the colonists had killed (Fremantle cited in Carter, p 78).

Another account by Jane Dodd provides more detail about the reprisal. Lilian Heal in her book on the colonist Jane Dodds (1788-1844) quotes from a letter written by Dodds which was extracted in The Morning Herald (London), 4 September 1832:

'Tom sends you a kangaroo skin, two spears and one throwing board, the latter the natives never part with but with life. You have, no doubt, heard bad accounts of them, but in almost every instance the settlers have been the aggressors; the one I am about to record you may rely on is true. A party of natives drove off several of Mr Browne's sheep, in sight of the shepherd, calling "Kangaroo, kangaroo", which was a plain way of saying "you have killed our kangaroo, now we must have yours", but the sequel is dreadful to contemplate; they were followed, and the soldiers and others fell in with them about midnight (it was supposed their number exceeded two hundred men, women, and children), seated around several large fires, at which were roasting about ten sheep; the followers all fired into the midst of the thickest groups, killing some, and wounding many; however, the others fled in the greatest confusion, leaving all they possessed behind them, and among the rest the spears in question. In the course of a day or two some of the natives returned, and murdered the shepherd, which created no small sensation in our neighbourhood, but it appears they will have a victim should any of their party fall, and they always aim at the quarter from whence the blow comes upon them, so that the innocent often suffer with the guilty' (Heal, 1998, p 60).

George Fletcher Moore wrote of the sheep raid at Mr Bull's but did not indicate that Aboriginal people were killed: 'Proceeding upwards in a due north course, we passed a fine reach of perhaps a mile and a half in length, having some very rich ground on its banks, which seemed so admirably adapted for a farm, that we gave it the name of "Homestead Reach." A little above this we crossed the river, finding the way almost impracticable for our horses, from the stony nature of the ground. From this, proceeding still due north, we passed a dry rocky broad part of the bed of the river, which was recognised as the spot to which nearly 80 sheep of Mr. Bull's were formerly driven by the natives, and on which many of them were slaughtered' (Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser, 27 May 1834, p 4).

In 1833 Baron Von Huegel wrote that the raid of Mr Bull's sheep lead to the killing of Aboriginal people: 'For instance, Mr [Henry] Bull, the settler at the furthest reach of the Swan River, lost a flock of 70 sheep. This attack, however, had grave consequence for the savages. A detachment of troops pursued them as they carried off their booty. They finally drove them into a valley surrounded by cliffs and fired at them at will until they cried out for mercy' (von Hügel, 1994, p 28).

It's unclear whether there was a single massacre after the two raids, or whether the sequence of events was the first raid at Mr Brown's, a first reprisal massacre at a large campsite at Swan Hill, the killing of a shepherd in retaliation, the second raid at Mr Bull's followed by another massacre in a narrow stretch of river at Success Hill.

Victims Killed: 20 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Western Mail, 16 Jan 1914, p 53 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/44881496; Berryman, 2002, p 233; Carter, 2005, pp 78-80; Heal 1988; Blight 2024 https://maryblight.com/2024/02/25/massacres-on-noongar-boodjar-from-1830-onwards/; Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser, 27 May 1834, p 4 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/2216240; von Hügel, 1994. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=884

Language Group, Nation or People: Paredarerme / Oyster Bay | Colony/State/Territory at the time: VDL

In December 1828 by warriors carried out a series of raids on various farms that included the killing of James Shirton, a servant of settler Mr Hawkins and an attack by twelve warriors on John Allen's farm at Great Swanport on 14 December 1828. The attack at John Allen's farm was visually recorded in a sketch (ML, SLNSW). A correspondent from Great Swanport reported that in retaliation two massacres had been carried out, one at St Paul's River 'ten days back,' and then 'about the same time ten were shot and two taken, near the Eastern Marshes.' (Launceston Advertiser, February 9, 1829, p 2).

Victims Killed: 10 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: LA February 9, 1829 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/8721080; 'The Aborigines of Van Diemen's Land endeavouring to kill Mr John Allen in the District of of Great Swanport on the 14th December 1828', ML, SLNSW. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=497

Language Group, Nation or People: Paredarerme / Oyster Bay or Tyerrernotepanner or Ben Lomond | Colony/State/Territory at the time: VDL

In December 1828 by warriors carried out a series of raids on various farms that included the killing of James Shirton, a servant of settler Mr Hawkins, and an attack by twelve warriors on John Allen's farm at Great Swanport on 14 December 1828. The attack at John Allen's farm was visually recorded in a sketch (ML, SLNSW). A correspondent from Great Swanport reported that, in retaliation, two massacres had been carried out. In the first 'Nine were killed and three taken, near St. Paul's River, ten days back.' The other was 'near the Eastern Marshes' (Launceston Advertiser, February 9, 1829, p 2).

Victims Killed: 9 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: LA February 9, 1829 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/8721080; 'The Aborigines of Van Diemen's Land endeavouring to kill Mr John Allen in the District of of Great Swanport on the 14th December 1828', ML, SLNSW. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=1104

Language Group, Nation or People: Port Sorell [Pallittore North] | Colony/State/Territory at the time: VDL

A military party was attacked by Aboriginal warriors at West Tamar and in the engagement seven Aboriginal people were killed. The next day, constables who had been with the officer denied the incident. According to the Hobart Town Courier a 'gallant officer' with '...three or four constables, was attacked by a party of the blacks on the west bank of the Tamar on Wednesday last, when seven of the latter fell, the chief on [sic] receiving a ball from the officer's fusee jumped twelve feet from the ground, (a tremendous leap truly). This officer describes the engagement as worthy of great praise, and states that much generalship was displayed by him as commander of the vanquishing party, but his brother officers of the staff and comrades, (perhaps jealous of the honour of the field) declare that they did not see one of the black people during the whole of their excursion.' (HTC February 28, 1829, pp 1-2).

Victims Killed: 7 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: HTC February 28, 1829, pp 1-2 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/641939. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=492

Language Group, Nation or People: Big River | Colony/State/Territory at the time: VDL

In a report on 10 April 1829 to Thomas Anstey, the police magistrate at Oatlands, Jorgen Jorgenson the leader of a roving party between the Clyde and Ouse rivers, said that the leader of another, "fired at a party of natives. He had no recourse left but to fire at them and by the traces of blood some of them were wounded if not mortally." Six Aboriginal people were killed. (TAHO CSO 1/316, p 189).

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: TAHO CSO 1/316, p 189. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=500

Language Group, Nation or People: North Midlands | Colony/State/Territory at the time: VDL

According to the 'Hobart Town Courier' March, 21, 1829, 'On Tuesday last [10 March 1829], the Blacks made their appearance and robbed one or two huts near the Cataract, and on Friday they were seen on the North Esk river, a short distance from Launceston, where they robbed three or four farm homes and killed a woman [Mrs Miller] and two men [James Hales and Thomas Johnson] at the farm of a man named Miller. They also speared a man in his master's barn [Russell], and another who was on the road at Patterson's plain with a bag of flour on his back; both these persons are badly wounded, and are now in the Hospital. Two stock-keepers are also missing, and are supposed to have been killed by the Blacks in the same neighbourhood. Several parties have been sent in pursuit, but the soldiers and constabulary are unsuccessful. Yesterday morning [Thursday 12 March] a party of volunteers came up with the murderers about 12 miles [20 kilometers] from hence [Launceston] at a place called Bullock's hunting ground, where four men, a woman and a child were killed. One of the men that was shot had a red coat on which was stolen from the Commandant's stock-keeper, in a hut near the Cataract Hills. I am told there is a woman amongst them who formerly lived in Launceston for several months.'

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Hobart Town Courier March 21, 1829, p.1. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=491

Language Group, Nation or People: Big River | Colony/State/Territory at the time: VDL

Magistrate Thomas Anstey reported to the Colonial Secretary on 8 April 1829, that towards the end of March 1829, in reprisal for Aborigines robbing McPherson's stock hut near Jones' River, digging up potatoes on McPherson's farm and wounding a stockman, a party of shepherds and police pursued them and attacked their campsite, killing nine Aboriginal people. A Black woman was injured and taken to New Norfolk and was not expected to live long. TAHO CSO 1/316/75878/pp 232, 239.

Victims Killed: 9 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: TAHO CSO 1/316: pp 232, 239. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=499

Language Group, Nation or People: Oyster Bay | Colony/State/Territory at the time: VDL

In early June 1829 in a series of raids on huts for food, at the Carlton River, Pittwater, 15-20 Oyster Bay people killed two stockkeepers, James Turtin and Edward Harthill and wounded at least three others. James Gordon, the magistrate at Sorell, dispatched a party of soldiers from the 40th Regiment and field police in pursuit and they returned with Aboriginal weapons and items belonging to the missing men. Gordon reported that the 'particular object of this non-commissioned officer [was] to capture ...without loss of life, but as they fled on the approach of the Party, I am [sorry ] to state that it is supposed eight or ten of the natives were severely wounded' (Gordon to Col Sec 16 June 1829, TSA CSO 1/321). The 'Hobart Town Courier', 20 June 1829, p 2, provided more details. ' After the late outrages at the Carlton, it appears that the natives proceeded towards Prossers Plains. The settlers, with the constables and military stationed in that neighbourhood, suspecting that their movements would be made in that direction, were fortunately on the alert. A man named Douglas Evans (Hibbins) succeeded in observing them encamp for the night on Friday last [13 June 1829] under a hill called 'the Three Thumbs' on very rocky ground, with thick brush. A party of ten set out about 11 o'clock [at night] in hopes of surrounding them and taking them alive. On arriving within 300 yards of the spot, about one o'clock, they advanced very cautiously in order to avoid giving alarm, but within 20 yards, one of the dogs which was with the blacks began barking, and they all instantly rose up, and the attacking party rushed on them, threatening to shoot them if they did not surrender. But they fled precipitously in all directions. Six of the party immediately fired at them (the guns carried by the other 4 missed fire). Douglas Evans (Hibbins) pursued them alone into the brush for a few minutes, and fired a second shot, having then been surrounded by them on separating from his companions. The night being very dark, all further pursuit was fruitless. When daylight appeared, 49 spears, 24 waddies, 2 shirts, a jacket, a number of knives, shears, and razor blades, many of them (besides 2 dogs) belonging to the men lately murdered at the Carlton. Not a native was to be seen all around, though for a considerable distances marks of blood appeared on different parts on the ground. There were some 30 or 40 of the blacks.'

Victims Killed: 10 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: TAHO CSO 1/321 1829: Jun 16; HTC June 20, 1829, p 2 - https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/642061. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=461

Language Group, Nation or People: Ben Lomond | Colony/State/Territory at the time: VDL

On 1 September 1829 John Batman, the leader of a government roving party, made a dawn attack on an Aboriginal camp, numbering 60 or 70 men, women and children. In his report of the incident to Thomas Anstey the police magistrate at Oatlands, Batman estimated that 15 Aborigines died of wounds, and that he executed two other wounded prisoners. The incident was reported in the Colonial Times (September 18, 1829, p 3). Depositions were made by two of Batman's stockkeepers at the Launceston Police Office on 25 September. This incident does not appear to be a reprisal killing.

Victims Killed: 17 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Campbell 1987, p 31-2; CT, September 18, 1829 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/666596; TAHO CS0 1/330. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=482

Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander Place Name: Boorloo | Language Group, Nation or People: Whadjuk | Colony/State/Territory at the time: SRC

This account was recorded in the London Literary Gazette 1830 (p 805) 'Affray at the Swan River: By accounts in the Indian papers, we learn that there has been a battle royal between the settlers and the natives at the new establishment of Swan River [Colony, Perth]. The quarrel commenced at an attempt at theft by the natives at Perth. The aborigines made a great shew of courage: they dared the settlers to fight: and one of them advanced and quietly knocked down a corporal with his waddie, a stick about two and half feet long, and an inch in diameter. The chiefs ascended the trees like monkeys, and chattered to (the newspapers say harangued) their tribes from the top of the branches. In such situations they were shot at with facility; but they feared not the thunder and lightning of the Europeans: and seven of their number were killed. The whole certainly must have been as unique as everything is connected with this wonderful settlement.'

Victims Killed: 7 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: 'Affray at the Swan River', The London Literary Gazette and Journal of Belles Lettres, Arts, Sciences, Etc, London, 1830, p 805 https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=hvd.32044092531243&seq=811 Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=1031

Language Group, Nation or People: Port Sorell [Pallittore North] | Colony/State/Territory at the time: VDL

The police magistrate at Westbury, Captain Moriarty reported on 19 April 1830 that on 18 April, in a clash with stock keepers employed by another magistrate, M.L. Smith, at Whitefoord Hills, at least two Pallittorre warriors were shot, and one stabbed, 'presumed killed' (Moriarty to Co Sec, 19 April 1830, TAHO CSO 1/316/7578, p 489). A later report by Moriarty indicated that in the 'affray', six Aboriginal people were killed by stock-keepers in self-defence (Moriarty to Co Sec 30 April 1830, TAHO CSO 1/316/7578 p 504).

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: TAHO CSO 1/316, pp 489, 504. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=489

Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander Place Name: Galup | Language Group, Nation or People: Whadjuk Noongar | Colony/State/Territory at the time: SRC

On the 3rd of May, the commandant of the Swan River Colony's 63rd regiment Frederick Irwin received a message 'soliciting Aid against the Natives on the Part of Inhabitants of the West End of the Town' (Irwin to Stirling, CO 18/7 p 119). The message included a description of raids and a violent encounter between three soldiers and Nyungar people who had occupied the house of a man named Paton. Later newspaper reports summarise the increasing tension and violence in the region at that time (Western Mail, 9 January, 1914, p 38 and 20 March, 1914, p 52). At Paton's house, when colonists tried to drive the Noongar people away, spears were thrown and a man who 'appeared the Chief, shewed unequivocal Gestures of Defiance and Contempt. On the Muskets being presented, the People now fired, and this Man was seen to fall wounded, falling a second time after rising. The Natives now made a rapid Retreat, leading him off' (Irwin to Stirling, CO 18/7 p 119). Ensign Dale and some guards went there ahead of Irwin and more men.

Irwin wrote in his report to Lieut. Governor Stirling: 'This daring and hostile Conduct of the Natives induced me to seize the Opportunity to make them sensible of our Superiority, by shewing how severely we could retaliate their Aggression, but that we had no Wish to injure them. With this View I continued the Pursuit, directing a Shot should not be fired but in Self-defence' (Irwin to Stirling, CO 18/7 p 119).

Two groups of colonists, one led by Ensign Dale and the other by Irwin tracked a group of Noongar people to a Lagoon. Ensign Dale was injured with spear wounds and a Noongar warrior shot in the jaw. After a twenty minute 'parley' Ensign Dale's group opened fire. Irwin included the following details:

'While observing the Natives here, several Shots were fired towards us from the opposite Bank by Mr. Dale's Party. On calling out for an Explanation, and to order the firing to cease, I learned that a Volley of Spears had been thrown at them while penetrating the Swamp to where the Natives were. Three Spears had pierced the Arm of the Acting Serjeant Major, and the Party fired in return. One of the Natives now called out from a Tree he had ascended, and gave us to understand that their Women and Children were with them, and seemed earnest in his Entreaties that we would leave them. I now told the Party to leave the Swamp, and for about Twenty Minutes we held a Parley; the Natives pressing us to leave them, and we in vain trying to encourage them to come out to us. At this Period, hearing a trampling in the Lagoon, I proceeded alone down the Bank, and distinctly heard the Groans of the wounded, whom they were carrying past; but the Height of the Reeds concealed them, except the Tops of their Spears. Considering the Object I had in view as now fully accomplished, of impressing a salutary Dread of our Superiority and Arms, while we shewed them we did not wish to injure them, after getting them and their Families completely in our Power, we left them, at Sunset, apparently on Terms as friendly as usual.

'During the night nothing was heard of them, but next Morning they were seen to cross the River at the Islands, with their Families, in considerable Numbers.

'A Patrol I sent out for the Purpose brought in Three Natives they had surprised. These Men had been often seen in the Cantonment, and willingly accompanied the Soldiers. They intimated, by Signs, that some of their People were dead or wounded in the Lagoon, after Yesterday's Fire. When this was told me, I took them off to the Lagoon, but they could show none, and I concluded they meant only to signify that some of their people had fallen there.

'On our Return we observed a Body of about Forty, including Women and Children, moving Westerly; some came towards us, on being called; and with these and our Guides to the Swamp we parted on very good Terms'

(Irwin to Stirling, CO 18/7 p 119).

Irwin did not report the number of people killed.

A letter from W.H. Mackie to Colonial Secretary Brown summarised the initial confrontation at Paton's house in more detail, indicating that two Noongar men were shot there, prior to the pursuit to the swamp:

'...they however stood boldly on the defensive, and when a gun was pointed at them laughed in a scornful manner and made signs of defiance - upon this a shot, or as some say two or three, were fired at them. One man is stated to have fallen, but whether from fear or a wound has not been ascertained. The shots however were ineffectual, for the Natives immediately rushed forward with loud cries upon the settlers, who, amounting at that time to only three or four, ran back, followed by a volley of spears and were pursued as far as Minchins.' The Noongar people collected their spears and returned to the house. The colonists called on their neighbours who came with firearms. 'A charge of small shot was then fired, but without effect, at the nearest of the savages, who instantly rushed on to the attack as before, throwing their spears as they advanced; but the settlers, amounting by this time to more than twenty, advanced to meet them, firing as they advanced, (by which fire another of the savages is said to have fallen) when the latter suddently wheeled round, and ran off at full speed' (Mackie to Brown, 1830).

Mackie then described the pursuit to the swamp at which more were killed:

'At this moment the

military who had been sent for by several of the settlers came up and joined in the pursuit

which was continued to a swamp about two miles to the North West of the camp, into

which the natives ran, and in which they were surrounded by the settlers and military by

both of whom (although strict orders had been given to the latter not to fire 'till ordered)

several short shots were fired and more than [note: "more than" is crossed out in the

original text] one or two of the natives are said to have fallen. They were seen also to carry

off some wounded or dead into the interior of the swamp and the moans of the wounded

were distinctly heard' (Mackie to Brown, 1830).

An article on the incident published in London reported seven were killed: 'In such situations they were shot at with facility; but they feared not the thunder and lightning of the Europeans; and seven of their number were killed' (The Literary Gazette and Journal of the Belles Lettres, 11 December 1830, p.805).

Historian Dr Chris Owen and Dr Clint Bracknell, a Noongar man, note that Irwin 'had reason to downplay the violence and the extent of the killing. Governor Stirling had proclaimed Noongar people as British subjects and therefore subject in law to the same protections as white subjects' and that 'Fabricating and minimising the numbers of Aboriginal people killed would become a resonant theme throughout Western Australian history. This culture of suppression was echoed across the continent and was later lamented as a "conspiracy of silence" by a 1927 royal commission into the Forrest River massacre in the Kimberley' (Owen and Bracknell, 2021). Irwin's narrative points out that the shooting was conducted not by his group but by the detachment under Mr Dale, in a spot he could not see, and states that the Noongar people carried away their dead and wounded, meaning that they could not be counted. Owen and Bracknell state that in Noongar oral history there is a 'near-uniform insistence that "a lot of Noongar were killed there"' (Owen and Bracknell, 2021).

John Morgan, WA Colonial Storekeeper to Under-Secretary for Colonies, recorded an estimate of at least 30 killed or wounded in a letter to Robert W Hay, dated 14 July 1830: 'The Natives, – have been very troublesome at Perth since I wrote, and in a skirmish with a strong party, who were evidently determined upon mischief, – several of the detachment 63rd Regt were wounded with spears, – and report says, – (for it was impossible to ascertain the fact) that thirty, or forty of the natives were kill'd or wounded' (Morgan to Hay, CO 18/7 pp.333-339; see also the summary in Buchanan and Buchanan, 2004 p 16).

Morgan's number of 30 or 40 killed or wounded differs greatly from other reports of how many were killed. The detailed reports of Irwin and Mackie make it clear that those killed could not be observed and so their numbers are indeterminate. Morgan's report may be biased against Irwin as they were in dispute over accounts related to the use or misuse of soldiers (Irwin to Stirling, 1830). This may equally be a reason to inflate the figures, as it may be to break the code of silence over how many were killed. Morgan was not present, but reported what he had heard. This could suggest either that his figure was exaggerated, or that he was reporting the 'off the record' numbers he'd heard from others.

Victims Killed: 20 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Irwin to Stirling, CO 18/7 p 119 https://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-2030475659/view; Irwin, Frederick Chidley, 'Correspondence 1808-1844' https://librarycatalogue.vincent.wa.gov.au/client/en_GB/search/asset/3405/0; Carter, 2005, pp 67-74; Western Mail, January 9, 1914, p 38 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/44879885/3479435; Western Mail, March 20, 1914, p 52 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article37967507; 'Letter from W.H. Mackie to Col. Sec. P. Brown SROWA, Cons. 608 1 WA S1243 https://librarycatalogue.vincent.wa.gov.au/client/en_GB/search/asset/3422/0; SROWA CSR ACC 36, Vol 6, p 146; The Literary Gazette and Journal of the Belles Lettres, 11 December 1830, p.805 https://books.google.com.au/books?id=AxwCRa2weagC&printsec=frontcover#v=onepage&q&f=false; Owen, C and Bracknell, C (2021) A Buried History https://www.samedrum.com/research; Morgan to Hay, CO 18/7 pp.333-339 https://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-2030343777/view; John Morgan to Robert W Hay 72/6, 14 July 1830 in Buchanan and Buchanan, 2004 https://www.wa.gov.au/system/files/2023-04/Guide-SwanRiverPapers.pdf; Irwin to Stirling 5.1.1830 CONS 36 v.4/24 pp.24 – 26 Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=885

Language Group, Nation or People: Big River | Colony/State/Territory at the time: VDL

According to the Colonial Times on September 3, 1830, p 3: 'One day last week a servant of Captain Wood, of the Clyde, brought to Hobart Town an Aboriginal prisoner which he had captured. It appears from what we have heard, that a mob of of these misguided wretches rushed on the man in question, who took shelter in a stock-hut where fortunately for him there happened to be some fire-arms ready loaded, which he put immediately to requisition and in the course of a short time, as we are informed, killed several of the Natives, and took the one in question, prisoner. On arriving in Hobart Town, Captain Wood's man conveyed the black to the Police Office, of course expecting to be immediately paid the reward offered by Government for the apprehension of the Natives, but he was there desired to leave the man, and his case would be in due course be laid before His Excellency. The man was apparently not very well satisfied in his own mind about the time which might elapse before his reward would be forthcoming, and he therefore refused to deliver his prisoner without payment there and then. Ultimately a letter was written to His Excellency by the magistrate, and handed to the man, who attended at Government House accompanied by his prisoner. His Excellency ordered that one of the black Natives who are under the charge of Mr Robinson of the Newtown Road, to be sent for to act as interpreter, and by his assistance endeavoured to obtain some information from the prisoner, but we understand that all that could be got from him was that the white man had destroyed several of his companions, and that he had most reason to complain; that when the tribe attacked the hut it was in order to obtain food, and such articles and such articles as the whites had introduced amongst them, and which now instead of being luxuries as formerly, had become necessaries, which they could not any other way procure. ...the reward was given instantly.'

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: CT, September 3, 1830 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/666800 Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=472

Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander Place Name: Ngugi | Language Group, Nation or People: Guwar | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

At dawn, on the edge of the freshwater lagoon close to Moreton island's southern extremity, Captain Clunie, with a detachment of the 17th Regiment, surrounded a Ngugi camp and killed up to twenty people. George Watkins recorded: 'nearly all were shot down. My informant, a young boy at the time, escaped with a few others by hiding in a clump of bushes' (Watkins, 1892, p 43).

Victims Killed: 20 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Evans, 1999, p 65; Watkins, 1892, p 43. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=573

Language Group, Nation or People: Nyungar | Colony/State/Territory at the time: WA

A letter by the amateur ethnographer Robert Lyon (also known as Robert Lyon Milne) to the Colonial Secretary, Lord Goderich, protests at an attack on Nyungar people at York in 1832. Lyon wrote, 'The local government seem to have returned to the intelligent principle of governing the native tribes without a knowledge of their language - or rather have determined to let the settlement take the chance of an interminable war. No proclamation appeared; & since the above was written, one of the chiefs a man who by his example & his influence has saved more lives and property than all His Majesty's forces in Western Australia - has been dangerously wounded by some white savage. Notwithstanding this, I have succeeded, under divine providence in effecting a cessation of hostilities. So soon as I came from Carnac I went into the bush alone unarmed & met Yellow Gongo [Yellagonga] chief, a King of Mooro, whose district comprehends Perth & the country to the north of the Swan. He gave me assurances of peace & friendship, & presented me with a womera & a spear. Since then they have refrained even from molesting the stock. How long this calm may continue, God only knows. The settlers & soldiers at York have committed a horrible action: They went at night to an encampment of the natives &, while they were sitting round their fires poured the shot among them - men, women & children. Their cries were dreadful' (Lyon, 1832, p151).

This letter is cited in Martens, 2022 as 'Lyon to Goderich, 1 January 1833, NA: CO 18/11, f. 150'. Green quotes the same letter from an extract in the Perth Gazette, January 1833 (Green 1984 p 120 and note 2, p 196).

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Blight 2024 https://maryblight.com/2024/02/25/massacres-on-noongar-boodjar-from-1830-onwards/; Martens 2022 https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1080/14490854.2022.2072351; Green 1984; Lyon, 1832 https://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-2030106908/view Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=1114

Language Group, Nation or People: Dhauwurd wurrung | Colony/State/Territory at the time: PPD

Some time between March 1833 and March 1834, north of Allestree, a group of whalers massacred Kilcarer gundidj people (Dhanwurd wurrung speakers) over claims to a beached whale. A journal entry of Edward Henty indicates that by 27 September 1835 this location had come to be known as 'Convincing Ground' (Peel, 2013).

Chief Protector GA Robinson first heard of the massacre in 1841 from settler Edward Henty during his first visit to Portland, along with two accounts of how the place got its name from Police Magistrate Blair and surveyor Tyers: 'He [Henty] said that some time ago, I suppose two or three years, a whale broke from her moorings and went on shore. And the boats went into get it off, when they were attack [sic] by the natives who drove them off. He said the men [whalers] were so enraged that they went to the head station for their firearms and then returned to the whale, when the natives again attack them. And the whalers then let fly, to use his expression, right and left upon the natives. He said the natives did not go away but got behind trees and threw spears and stones. They, however, did not much molest them after that. There is a spot on the north shore, where the big works are I think, which is called the "Convincing Ground" and I was informed that it got its name from some transactions with the natives of the kind just mentioned. So Mr Blair said. Mr Tyers however said it was because when the whites had any disputes they went on shore and there settled if by fighting. I however thing the former most feasibly, especially after what Mr Henty himself stated' (GA Robinson Journal 16 May 1841, in Clark 1998b, p 211).

The following day Robinson visited the Convincing Ground site and recorded the following observations: 'Now, the cause of this fight, if such an unequal contest can be so designated, firearms [are] certain death against spears, was occasioned by the whalers going to get the whalebone from the fish . . . which the natives considered theirs and which it had been so for 1000 of years previous, they of course resisted the aggression on the part of the white men. It was the first year of the fishery, and the whalers having used their guns beat them off and hence called the spot the Convincing Ground. That was because they [the whalers] convinced them [the natives] of their mistake and which, but for their firearms, they perhaps could not have done' (GA Robinson Journal 17 May 1841, in Clark 1998b, p 214).

Ten months later, on 23 March 1842, Robinson met 30 Aboriginal people from at least five clans in the region at Captain Alexander Campbell's station at Merri River near Port Fairy. Clark comments: 'Presumably these people informed him of the Convincing Ground massacre, for Robinson noted in his journal for that day that it was eight or nine years earlier that the collisions between the whalers and the Aborigines took place...The two survivors in 1841 were Pollikeunnuc and Yarereryarerer' (Clark 1995, p 19). In the official report to Superintendent La Trobe of his 1841 journey into Western Victoria, Robinson mentioned the massacre: 'Among the remarkable places on the coast, is the "Convincing Ground", originating in a severe conflict which took place a few years previous between the Aborigines and Whalers on which occasion a large number of the former were slain. The circumstances are that a whale had come on shore and the Natives who feed on the carcass claimed it was their own. The whalers said they would "convince them" and had recourse to firearms. On this spot a fishery is now established' (Robinson in Clark 1995, p 19).

In 2005, Michael Connor contested Clark's account of the massacre and the origins of the name 'Convincing Ground' (Connor 2005, pp140-155). He made three key claims: that Robinson first heard of the story of the massacre as 'an after-dinner story of violence which he then embroidered on' (Connor 2005, p140); that Robinson relied on second hand accounts and never interviewed any witnesses to the massacre; and that (following a comment by Major Mitchell) Aboriginal people cooperated with whalers rather than fought with them (Connor 2005 pp140-142) [note: a previous statement here that Connor claimed 'the name "Convincing Ground" was coined by Major Mitchell' has been removed].

Clark responded to the claims in 2011. He pointed out that Robinson was an experienced massacre investigator and cited as an example his extensive investigation of massacres in Tasmania (Clark 2011, p 85). Following Edward Henty's account of the Convincing Ground massacre, Robinson visited the site the next day and over the following months, sought further evidence from Aboriginal people and settlers, and then summarised his findings in the report to Superintendent La Trobe in 1842. Finally, Clark pointed out that the name 'Convincing Ground' was first used by Edward Henty in his diary in 1835, at least a year before Mitchell arrived at Portland Bay (Clark 2011, p 94). Clark concluded that the massacre probably took place in the whaling season between March 1833 and March 1834, that is, at least seven months before the Henty brothers arrived at Portland Bay (Clark 2011, pp 101-102).

In Major Mitchell's description of interactions between Aboriginal people and whalers they do not appear to be in amicable cooperation, but instead Aboriginal people avoided contact with whalers and sought only to manipulate them into beaching whales for their benefit: 'The natives never approach these whalers, nor had they ever shown themselves to the white people of Portland Bay but, as they have taken to eat the castaway whales, it is their custom to send up a column of smoke when a whale appears in the bay, and the fishers understand the signal. This affords an instance of the sagacity of the natives for they must have reflected that, by thus giving timely notice, a greater number will become competitors for the whale and that consequently there will be a better chance of the whale running ashore, in which case a share must fall finally to them' (Mitchell, 1839).

Clark summarised three stories of the origin of the place name, 'Convincing Ground': 'Blair's account that it related to a particular massacre; Tyers's account that it originated from the settlement of disputes between whalers; and JG Wiltshire's version connected with the explorer, Mitchell,' adding that, 'As we have seen, Wiltshire's version has been invalidated' (Clark, 1995 p 20).

Connor argues in favour of Tyers's account (Connor, 2005 p 140-156) showing that 'convincing ground' was a term for a place where 'prize or grudge fights are held' (Connor, 2005, p 142). He imagines an elaborate scenario of whalers rowing 6km back and forth to fight over a beached whale which they had little interest in. However, it is equally unreasonable to think that whalers would travel 6 kilometres from their anchorage to conduct a fight when they could easily fight where they were, where their boats were anchored. An 1845 map based on an 1840 survey made by Tyers and Masters in 1840 shows 4 huts in the location of Convincing Ground, though they are not labelled. They are probably very recent constructions as the whale fishery at Convincing Ground was not established until 1841 (Tyers & Masters, 1845). Whale boats were small, fast vessels equipped with both oars and sails. The whalers would have sailed, not rowed, and at 5 knots they could have gone to the head station at Portland and returned to Convincing Ground within two hours.

Mitchell's description shows that the heads of beached whales were economically valuable. An 1843 news article from Portland Bay shows that whalers were quick to seize any opportunity to capture whales that strayed too close to shore: 'Mr. Robertson, in charge of the Messrs. Henty's station at the Convincing ground, observed a whale, of the Hunchback species, which had, got inside a reef near the junction of the first river and was unable to extricate itself. Mr. Robertson, although there was no other person present, immediately dashed through the surf, up to the neck, and by means of a harpoon succeeded in despatching the monster' (The Colonial Observer, 4 March 1843, p 858).

This was not simply a beached whale or a 'castaway', but one which the whalers had done the hard and dangerous work of catching, for it had broken its mooring. It is reasonable to think that if driven off by Aboriginal people, and given the relationships between them were tense, that whalers would not give up the catch easily, even if only the head or bones were viable once on the beach.

For whalers a 'convincing ground' would be any location that a fight is carried out so it is less likely that the location was not so called as the designated location for all whalers to meet and fight. It is more likely that whalers applied it euphemistically to name this specific location where a fight occurred between whalers and Aboriginal people. Connor presents no evidence that whalers used this location for fights, and, among the earliest sources only provides Tyers' speculation on the reason for the name, while there is an earlier account from one of the first colonists in the region, Henty, that there was a conflict between Aboriginal people and whalers and both Robinson and Blair found it most credible that Convincing Ground was named for such a conflict. Although Henty, as recorded by Robinson, didn't use the place name in describing the conflict, Henty did use the place name in his journals.

Importantly, Connor ultimately doesn't conclude there was no fight between Aboriginal people and whalers as described in Henty's story. Connor's conclusions are only that the fight did not take place at Convincing Ground but was more likely at Double Corner, much closer to the Portland whaling settlement; that Convincing Ground was not named after the incident described by Henty (Connor, 2005, pp153 – 154), and that the story of a massacre at Convincing Ground has been embellished and exaggerated in subsequent accounts (Connor, 2005, pp 150-153).

While there has been much speculation around the origins of the name Convincing Ground, there seems no reason to doubt the earliest account given by Henty, recorded by Robinson, that it was named for this massacre.

Victims Killed: 20 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Peel, 2013; Clark 1995, p 19; Connor 2005, 2010; Clark 2008b; Clark 2008c; Clark 2011; Mitchell, 1839 https://gutenberg.net.au/ebooks/e00036.html; The Colonial Observer, 4 March 1843, p 858 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/226361697/22363117; Tyers, 1845 http://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-233815684 Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=503

Language Group, Nation or People: Whadjuk Noongar | Colony/State/Territory at the time: WA

In September 1833 an article appeared in the Perth Gazette and Western Australian Journal (September 7, 1833, p 142), describing how Noongar leaders Migo and Munday expressed a desire to meet with Noongar interpreter Methodist Missionary Francis Armstrong. Armstrong and the pair could converse sufficiently to come to an explanation that the Noongar people 'wished to come to an amicable treaty with us, and were desirous to know whether the white people would shoot any more of their black people. Being assured that the white people would not, they proceeded to give the names of all the black men of the tribes in this immediate neighbourhood who had been killed [Names not included in article], with a description of the places where they were shot, and the persons who shot them. The number amounted to sixteen, killed, and nearly twice as many wounded; indeed it is supposed, that few have escaped uninjured...They seemed perfectly aware that it was our intention to shoot them if they "quippled"…committed theft, they said then no more white men would be speared' (The Perth Gazette September 7, 1833, p 142).

Victims Killed: 16 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Perth Gazette and West Australian Journal, September 7, 1833, p 142 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/641889/148 Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=886

Language Group, Nation or People: Gathang (Biripi / Worimi / Geawegal) | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

According to the Wingham Chronicle, after warriors stole cattle from the Australian Agricultural Company's 'heifer station at Baker's Creek, 12 miles north east of Gloucester,' (near Mount Ganghat) in 1834, beleaguered employees 'in the hut were driven to dire straits, and as a last resource mixed arsenic in dampers and placed them where the natives had easy access to them. The result was deadly to the natives. The black warriors lay down and died all around.' (Wingham Chronicle and Manning River Observer 25 Apr 1922 p 2)

In 1889 a corresponden to the Daily Telegraph, 'J.W.C' wrote, 'White women were scarce in those days,

and these men took as help-mates a couple of

black gins from a tribe belonging to the head

quarters they started from. The aborigines or

native blacks were very troublesome in those

days, especially in the vicinity of Cape Hawke,

not far from the Manning River entrance, and

being aware that a supply of rations had been

recently brought to Gangat and that there were

only two men in charge, they decided to

stick the station up and help themselves,

One or two of the Cape Hawke blacks

were in the habit of visiting the station occasionally on their marauding excursions, and unwittingly, apparently, made the gins acquainted

with their designs, probably in the hope of

satisfying them of their safety in the event of

success. The gins were honest enough to

apprise their mates of the threatened danger,

and suitable precautions were adopted. Slits

were cut in the slab walls so that guns could

be protruded to cover the approach of their

assailants. Everything useful and portable

was brought into the humpy and doors and

windows barricaded. On the morning of the

attack two blacks came to the hut as usual and

were at once ordered to leave and keep away or

they would be fired upon. The day wore on and

towards the afternoon a mob of blacks numbering from 50 to 60 came down to the station,

fully armed for hostilities with spears, boomerangs and nulla-nullas, and demanded grub.

These also were cautioned to keep off under

penalty of being fired upon, and seeing the

muzzles of two guns sticking out of a slit in a

slab in front of them, they retired a few yards

off, made their fires and camped for the night.

Their intention evidently was to attack the

station as soon as it was dark, and probably

set the hut on fire and murder the men.

Taylor and M'Grath were in a serious fix.

Miles from any help, their horses in the bush

unavailable for flight, they felt that with the

approach of night their doom was sealed, and to

make matters worse, on examination they

found that they had only a couple of charges of

powder. Taylor fortunately had a good supply

of arsenical soap, so the men went to work and

made up a lot of Johnny cakes, well mixing

tho dough up with the soap; and in the evening they opened the door of tho hut and

pitched out the cakes and drew the attention

of the blacks to the grub supplied for their

gratification. There was a regular scramble

for the cakes, while the door was closed and

the inmates awaited the result. The effects of

the arsenic soon told upon the blacks, many of

whom rushed to the water and drank to repletion to allay tho burning inside. Some of the

most gluttonous dropped dead, and such a scare

was produced upon the tribe that they bolted,

being perfectly satisfied that the grub they

had so daringly demanded was not exactly the

kind of grub they desired.

This, I believe, was the first act of poisoning

the native cannibals in the colony, and I don't

believe there are many of the present generation who will blame Taylor and McGrath for

their action in self-defence. The men next

morning left for head-quarters, and the cattle

were scattered in every direction, causing a

heavy loss to the company. Many took to the

scrubs about Bundobah and Boolaydeelah, and

the destruction of the bulls years after afforded

many a day's sport to crack pistol-shots from

horseback' (The Daily Telegraph, 13 Jul, 1889, p 9).

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Wingham Chronicle, April 25, 1922, p. 2 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article166220492; Newcastle Morning Herald, July 25, 1964; Fitzpatrick, 1925, p 29; The Daily Telegraph, 13 Jul, 1889 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/236015071 Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=639

Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

The wreck of the Charles Eaton led the local Aboriginal warriors to massacre 15 survivors. They included the ship's captain, an Indian army officer, his wife and some of their children. A son and some of the crew survived (The Sydney Herald, October 27, 1836, p 2).

Victims Killed: 11 (Colonists); Attackers Killed: 0 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People). Sources: McInnes, 1983, pp 21-50; Mullins, 1994, pp 22-23; The Sydney Herald October 27, 1836 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article12862565; and http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article12862560. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=642

Language Group, Nation or People: Pinjarup Noongar | Colony/State/Territory at the time: WA

Captain James Stirling's plan to create a settlement south of Perth at Pinjarra was thwarted by the 'Murray tribe.' He told the Colonial Office in London that they threatened to destroy all the whites in the district and argued that if a 'check' was not made on them, they may 'tempt other tribes to pursue the same course, and eventually combine together for the extermination of the whites' (Owen, 2016, p 73). The 'check' occurred on 28 October 1834 when Governor Stirling and twenty-four soldiers and civilians cornered the Murray Tribe' of some 'estimated eighty men, women and children in what has become one of the most infamous punitive expeditions in Western Australian history.' A large number of 'people were killed, the event itself created political controversy and, later, historians debated whether the 'check' was legal, 'just battle' or a 'massacre'. Stirling's own words on this matter were explicit and suggested the massacre description was apt. In his report to the Colonial Office, he declared that he had set out to punish the whole tribe and that his intention was to instill fear in the Aborigines and break their resistance. The only way to deal with Aboriginal people, he wrote, was to 'reduce their tribe to weakness' by inflicting 'such acts of decisive severity as will appall them as people'. The Perth Gazette reported on an uncompromising warning to the survivors that if there were any more trouble 'four times the present number of men would proceed amongst them and destroy every man woman and child' (Stirling, 1834, cited in Owen 2016, p 73).

Stirling later wrote to British Colonial Secretary Stanley (1 Nov 1834). He stated he said this to the surviving prisoners: 'they were then informed that the punishment had been inflicted, because of the misconduct of the tribe, that the white men never forgot to punish murder, and that on this occasion the women and children had been spared, but that if any person should be killed by them, not one would be allowed to remain alive this side of the mountains. Upon this they were dismissed' (Stirling cited in Contos et al, 1998). The 'mountains' Stirling referred to are the Darling Scarp, a mountain range east of Perth that extends for over 400 km from Bindoon in the North to Pemberton in the South West. Stirling was effectively threatening to kill 80% of the Noongar population of the South West. Another account from Grose (1927) states 'The whites opened fire. About 80 blacks were killed and the bodies of many of the dead floated down the river. A bugle then blew to cease fire, after which the native women and children were gathered together and Sir James Stirling warned them that a similar punishment would come back to blacks in the future if any more whites were killed or molested. About 50 natives were buried in one great hole, which was afterwards located in Mr Oakley's field beside Captain Fawcett's property at Pinjarra Park' (Grose 1927, pp 30-34).

Victims Killed: 15 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Owen, 2016; Stirling, CSO No 14 to Stanley, 1 November 1834, CO 18/14 f134; Grose, 1927; Green, 1981; Contos, 1998; Hunt, 1978; Harris, 2003; Green, 2003. See Also: Perth Gazette and West Australian Journal, November 1, 1834, p 382 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/641213/402; Large stone monument, Battle of Pinjarra Memorial Park, McLarty Road, Pinjarra, 6208. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=887

Language Group, Nation or People: Gathang (Biripi / Worimi / Geawegal) | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

Aboriginal people were shot dead and leapt or were thrown over a cliff in retaliation for them killing five convict shepherds at Robert Ramsay Mackenzie's property at Wattenbakh on the western bank of the Barrington River, two miles from Rawdon Vale, at the time known as 'Kiripit'. Survivors fled and were caught and killed on a flat at Bowman River (Wingham Chronicle, April 25, 1922, p 2).

A later article from 1935 claimed 6 shepherds were killed in the lead up to this massacre, and decribed the massacre at McKenzie's Cliffs as follows: 'The settlers from the Williams

River side came across to the head

of the Gloucester, driving the blacks

before them, while the settlers on

this side drove all the blacks up the

river and at last cornered them on

the small flat above McKenzie's cliffs

where they shot men, women and

children without mercy or consideration. Those who escaped the bullet

were killed by falling over the cliffs

and being smashed on the rocks below. Thus was the whole tribe of

blacks, with one or two exceptions,

who inhabited this part of the district exterminated' (The Gloucester Advocate, 22 Mar 1935, p 1).

According to Geoffrey Blomfield, 'The massacre has a strong oral tradition' (Blomfield 1981, p 121-2).

The location marked here is purposefully not the location of the massacre. Please note that 'The Aboriginal community has requested that the actual site is not promoted and visitation is discouraged' (NSW Parks and Wildlife Service. Barrington Tops National Park, Mount Royal National Park and Barrington Tops State Conservation Area: Plan of Management. Parramatta, NSW: Environment and Heritage: Department of Planning and Environment, 2022, p 22).

Victims Killed: 20 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Blomfield, 1981, p 121-2; Wingham Chronicle, April 25, 1922, p 2; Newcastle Morning Herald, July 25, 1964; The Gloucester Advocate, 22 Mar 1935 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/159633029; NSW Parks and Wildlife Service. Barrington Tops National Park, Mount Royal National Park and Barrington Tops State Conservation Area: Plan of Management. Parramatta, NSW: Environment and Heritage: Department of Planning and Environment, 2022 https://www.environment.nsw.gov.au/-/media/OEH/Corporate-Site/Documents/Parks-reserves-and-protected-areas/Parks-plans-of-management/barrington-tops-mount-royal-national-parks-barrington-tops-sca-plan-of-management-220192.pdf Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=640

Language Group, Nation or People: Gathang (Biripi / Worimi / Geawegal) | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

According to an article published in 1922 Aboriginal people killed 5 shepherds and then, 'After this outrage the natives divided - one body seeking shelter south west towards the source of the Gloucester River, and the other going north west towards the Upper Arundel.' A group of colonists pursued the first group and massacred people at McKenzie Cliffs. The second group was also pursued, 'At a small plain a mile west of the

present Cobakh Station the Port Stephens men came into conflict with the

remaining body of natives, but the

fugitives broke and fled northwards

to a little flat on the Bowman River.

Here the final tragedy occurred; a

stand was made by the blacks, but in

vain. Years afterwards their unburied

skeletons could be seen' (The Wingham Chronicle and Manning River Observer, 25 April, 1922 p 2).

A correspondent calling themself 'Wirrapit' wrote that after the massacre of the 'Rawdon Vale' tribe at McKenzie Cliff, 'advantage was taken of the presence of the Williams River settlers to further punish the tribes inhabiting the Upper Bowman and what is now Glen Ward, as they had become very daring and troublesome.

A party of whites rode up the Cobark River and fought a pitched battle with the tribe that had arrived from Mount Moonee, and killed over 50 of them, losing seven or eight of their own men.'

A larger party then went on to Bowman River where 'over 100 it is said --- being killed and also twelve white were killed and badly wounded' (The Scone Advocate, 7 May 1935, p 4).

This article notes that 'as time went on most exaggerated reports began to filter in and reach the authorities in Newcastle and Sydney'. A massacre involving the deaths of this many colonists would most likely have been widely reported at the time, and no other records have been found. The numbers of colonists and Aboriginal people killed have most likely been exaggerated.

The massacres at Mt McKenzie, Cobark River and Bowman River occurred around the same time but available reports are long after the incidents so it is difficult to determine their year.

Victims Killed: 20 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 1 (Colonists). Sources: The Wingham Chronicle and Manning River Observer, 25 April, 1922 p 2 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/166220492; The Scone Advocate, 7 May 1935, p 4 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/158993470 Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=1122

Language Group, Nation or People: Gathang (Biripi / Worimi / Geawegal) | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

After killing 5 shepherds, colonists pursued Aboriginal people in two groups and massacred them at Cobark River and Mt McKenzie. After Cobark River they went on to massacre people at Bowman River. These massacres were reported in 1922.

'After this outrage the natives divided - one body seeking shelter south west towards the source of the Gloucester River, and the other going north west towards the Upper Arundel.' A group of colonists pursued the first group and massacred people at McKenzie Cliffs. The second group was also pursued, 'At a small plain a mile west of the

present Cobakh Station the Port Stephens men came into conflict with the

remaining body of natives, but the

fugitives broke and fled northwards

to a little flat on the Bowman River.

Here the final tragedy occurred; a

stand was made by the blacks, but in

vain. Years afterwards their unburied

skeletons could be seen' (The Wingham Chronicle and Manning River Observer, 25 April, 1922 p 2).

A correspondent calling themself 'Wirrapit' wrote that after the massacre of the 'Rawdon Vale' tribe at McKenzie Cliff, 'advantage was taken of the presence of the Williams River settlers to further punish the tribes inhabiting the Upper Bowman and what is now Glen Ward, as they had become very daring and troublesome.' After a massacre at Cobark river 'a larger party rode over to the Bowman River through McKenzie's Gap (Neilson's selection), and meeting with a large number of blacks fought another pitched battle, where Mr. J. Grant's homestead now stands, many blacks --- over 100 it is said --- being killed and also twelve white were killed and badly wounded' (The Scone Advocate, 7 May 1935, p 4).

This article notes that 'as time went on most exaggerated reports began to filter in and reach the authorities in Newcastle and Sydney.' A massacre involving the deaths of this many colonists would most likely have been widely reported at the time, and no other records have been found. The numbers of colonists and Aboriginal people killed have most likely been exaggerated.

The massacres at Mt McKenzie, Cobark River and Bowman River occurred around the same time but available reports are long after the incidents so it is difficult to determine their year.

Victims Killed: 20 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 1 (Colonists). Sources: The Wingham Chronicle and Manning River Observer, 25 April, 1922 p 2 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/166220492; The Scone Advocate, 7 May 1935, p 4 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/158993470 Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=1123

Language Group, Nation or People: Wiradjuri | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

In 1836, two stockmen were killed by Wiradjuri men on Thologolong station near the Murray River, NSW. 'The reprisals by the settlers, the little known Dora Dora massacre, resulted in the deaths of at least a dozen Aboriginal, men, women and children. [T]he attack was led by John Jobbins, owner of adjoining Cumberoona station, a man who quickly gained a reputation for his extreme violence. Cumberoona's lands were principal camping grounds for local Aboriginal peoples [Wiradjuri], but Jobbins declared that the land was his, exclusively, and that harsh punishment would be administered to those that did not comply.' Jobbins led the attack with an unknown number of armed men on horseback. (Schneider, 2016, p 29)

Victims Killed: 12 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Smethwick 2003, p 2; Schneider 2016, p 29. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=574

Language Group, Nation or People: Kureinji or Dadi Dadi | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

According to The Australian, 8 November 1836, p 2, 'We are sorry to be called upon to animadvert upon circumstance attending [Major Mitchell's ] expedition, which, in our opinion, more than counterbalances any advantage the Colony may derive from the results of the journey [to Australia Felix], in other respects; we allude to the Australian Aborigines by the party in question. It appears that Major Mitchell having, or fancying he had reason to apprehend danger from a numerous tribe who followed close upon their tracks for above two hundred miles, laid in ambush with his party in a thick scrub bordering upon the river, sending the bullock-drivers on cracking their whips so as to induce a belief that they had proceeded onwards. The natives having unconsciously advanced into the middle of an ambush, were set upon and fired at, a large number being killed on the spot, and the remainder taking the river, into which they plunged, swimming to the other side, the Europeans firing at and killing several more in the water. It is said that at least thirty were slain; how many escaped with wounds does not appear.'

Major Thomas Mitchell wrote to Colonial Secretary McLeay that he divided his group (exploring party) into two parties and that when they attacked, 'the whole [Aboriginal people] betook themselves to the River – my men pursuing and shooting as many as they could. Numbers were shot in swimming across the Murray, and some even after they had reached the opposite shore, as they ascended the bank. Amongst those shot in the water was the Chief (recognised by a particular kind of cloak he wore, which floated after he went down). Thus in a very short time the usual silence of the desert prevailed on the banks of the Murray, and we pursued our journey unmolested.' (Mitchell to Colonial Secretary McLeay cited in Milliss, 1992, p 130)

Victims Killed: 30 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: The Australian, 8 November, 1836, p 2 - https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/4258629; Mitchell 1839 vol. II, pp 101-2; HRA, I, xviii, p 590-1 https://opal.latrobe.edu.au/articles/book/Historical_records_of_Australia_Series_I_Governors_despatches_to_and_from_England_Volume_XVIII_July_1835-June_1837_edited_by_Frederick_Watson_/22300279; Milliss 1992, pp 128-136; Baker, DWA, 'Mitchell Sir Thomas Livingstone (1792-1855)' in ADB, Vol 2, 1967 np https://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/mitchell-sir-thomas-livingstone-2463. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=575

Language Group, Nation or People: Wathawurrung | Colony/State/Territory at the time: PPD

On July 9 1836, following the discovery of the mutilated bodies of Mr Charles Franks, a settler from VDL and his shepherd, Thomas Haines, a party of seventeen men armed with muskets, comprising eight male colonists, four Sydney Aborigines and five 'domesticated' Aborigines from the Port Phillip District (now Victoria), 'proceeded in search of the natives whom they supposed to be the murderers of Mr Franks and his shepherd' (Montagu cited in Cannon & McFarlane, 1982, p 42). The eight colonists were Henry Batman, John Wood, David Pitcairn, Mr Guy, Alexander Thomson, William Winberry, George Hollins and Michael Leonard; the four 'Sydney Aborigines' included Bullett, Stewart and Joe the Marine and the four Port Phillip Aborigines included Benbow, Derrymock, Ballayann and Baitlainge. John Montagu, the Colonial Secretary in Van Diemen's Land, wrote about the incident to his counterpart in New South Wales on 18 August 1836: 'They came up with a tribe, consisting of men, women and children, to the number of about fifty to one hundred, and perceiving upon the persons of some of them articles which were recognised as having belonged to Mr Franks, a rencontre followed. It is not stated however what resistance the natives made, but none of the opposing party were injured, although it is feared that there can be little doubt that ten of the tribe of Port Phillip natives were killed' (Cited in Cannon & McFarlane 1982, p 42). William Lonsdale, magistrate at Port Phillip from late September 1836, was instructed by the Colonial Secretary in Sydney, to investigate the incident. However none of the perpetrators he interviewed would acknowledge the 'rencontre' although it was clear that each of them had something to hide. Those interviewed by Lonsdale were: Henry Batman; John Wood; Michael Leonard; and William Winberry. Winberry acknowledged that a party went after the blacks and that they were found and 'several shots were fired', and that a child was found 'belonging to the fugitives', but he did 'not see that any of the blacks were killed or hurt'. (Winberry cited in Cannon & McFarlane 1982, p 48) Leonard said that the murderers of Franks and Flinders were Aboriginal men, 'Callen and Dundom'. Leonard heard that in relation to the reprisal, 'some were wounded' but he paid 'no attention to it'. (Leonard cited in Cannon & McFarlane, p 49) Was Charles Franks entirely blameless? C.E. Sayers, the editor of T.F. Bride's 'Letters from Victorian Pioneers', notes that settler Robert William von Stieglitz reported that: 'On my way [to the Werribee] I met with a Mr Franks and got some lead from him to make what he called blue pills for the natives, who were very fierce' (Bride 1983, p 88).

Victims Killed: 10 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Cannon & McFarlane 1982, p 41-52; Cornwall Chronicle July 30, 1836, p 2 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article65954557; Sayers, 1983, p.88; Boyce 2011, p 105-9; Rogers, et.al., 2016, p 89-90 & 92-4. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=504

Language Group, Nation or People: Wardandi | Colony/State/Territory at the time: WA

The Bussell family of four brothers John, Joseph Vernon, Alfred and Charles were early colonists in 1831 in the town named after them – Busselton. Conflict started between the Bussells and the Noongar Wardandi traditional owners and escalated over the next four years, as increasingly severe tactics were used to stop the Wardandi from visiting their farms. They shot at 'intruders', made a wooden cannon to fire at them and took hostages, on one occasion holding a 'little girl', and another four women and a child (Shann, 1978, pp 98, 106). On 23 June 1837, a calf went missing. Allegedly Gaywal and Kenny had speared it. In retaliation on 28 June 1837, Henry Chapman and his brother, Alfred Bussell, an unnamed Corporal, a man named Moloney and Elijah Dawson went to Yulijoogarup and were involved in a massacre in which at least nine of the tribe were shot down. Brothers Vernon and Alfred Bussell later 'went down to the estuary, and saw that the natives had been afraid to return and bury their dead.' (Shann, 1978) 'In a letter to John Bussell in England, Charles wrote that "the war with the natives had been properly conducted", and was pleased that no European had died, although the family had been reprimanded by the WA government for taking the law into their own hands.' (Allbrook, 2014, pp 150-151).

Victims Killed: 9 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Allbrook, 2014, https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt13wwvzc.10; Jennings, 1983; Shann, 1978 https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Cattle_Chosen/Chapter_7 Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=1034

Language Group, Nation or People: Whadjuk, Ballardong | Colony/State/Territory at the time: WA

After the southwest Pinjarra massacre of October 1834 sites of conflict shifted northeast into Whadjuk and Ballardong Aboriginal Noongar country around Northam and York. From 1836 through 1837 tensions escalated with many reprisal killings between Aboriginal people and colonists.

In 1836, the Sydney Herald reported 'by late arrival' that 'The natives in the York district had committed several outrages, and two were shot. Additional military aid, under the charge of Lieutenant Bunbury, was despatched to the settlement' (Sydney Herald, 13 Oct, 1836).

Lieut. Bunbury wrote, in a published letter dated, 10 July 1836

'A few days after my return I was ordered over here [York] with a detachment to make war upon the Natives, who have been very troublesome lately, robbing farms and committing other depredations, even attempting to spear White people.

...I hope, however, it will not last very long as the Natives seem inclined to be quiet since I shot a few of them one night. I have no doubt, however, that ere long they will revenge the death of those we shot by spearing some White men when they can meet them alone and unarmed' (Bunbury, 1930, p 27)

In June 1837 a group speared and killed Isaac Green, a soldier (Perth Gazette, July 22, 1837, p 941).

A letter to the Swan River Guardian alluded to this being a retaliation for attacks on Aboriginal men and women,

'If the Natives have committed it wantonly, they ought to be severely punished. If on the other hand, their wives have been shot at in cool blood, and many of the males killed in a vindictive manner, then, the Natives have only obeyed one of their immutable Laws, which demands blood for blood'

(Swan River Guardian, 1 Jun 1837, p 128).

On 8 July 1837 Edward Jones and Peter Chidlow were working on a property called Katrine when a large group of up to 40 Ballardong Noongar, incensed by the arrest of some of their countrymen for stealing, approached them demanding flour and bread. A fight broke out and both Jones and Chidlow were speared to death (nine and seven spears respectively) in an event creating months of payback conflict (Perth Gazette, 22 July, 1837 p 941).

These killings prompted calls from colonists for reprisals:

'To the Government Resident of York, D. MacLeod, Esq., and Lieutenants Bunbury and Mortimer, of H.M.'s 21st Regt., the difficult task of conciliating or coercing the natives has been confided... The barbarous murder of Jones and Chidlow has called for a severe and well-merited chastisement; the lives of three natives have fallen a sacrifice ... we therefore unhesitatingly, in common with the majority of our fellow colonists, give our full approbation of the proceedings of the government, being strongly impressed with the conviction, that nothing short of a bold and daring display of our superiority of which the distant tribes hold some doubt, construing our acts of kindness into timidity or imbecility will effectually eradicate from the mind of the savage, the impression that we may be plundered and murdered with impunity' (Perth Gazette and Western Australian Journal, 29 Jul 1837, p 944). This article also lists the names of Aboriginal people accused of murder and livestock stealing livestock.

On 20 July 1837 a writer in the Swan River Guardian commented, 'Some parties advocate an indiscriminate slaughter of the Blacks, in the York district, others transportation of the Natives, from the Main Land, to one of the neighbouring Islands...Unnecessary cruelty ought not to be inflicted, but the deaths of Chidlow and Jones must be avenged, and we say that ample justice ought to be dealt against their Murderers in the first place, as a terror to their assistants or abettors, and in the next place let us enquire what salutary measures can be adopted to civilize the Natives, and make them acquainted with our Laws, our Religious, Civil and Military Institutions, and their own rights as British Subjects. A general Massacre would be offensive to the Laws of God, as well as those of Man, because the innocent might then be sacrificed to atone for the crimes of the guilty... The Murder of Chidlow and Jones calls aloud for vengeance, but Justice should be tempered with mercy, indiscriminate slaughter of inoffending Tribes can never be palliated' (Swan River Guardian, July 20, 1837 pp 205-206).

Another article warned, '... for so long as the British Government withhold protection and assistance from this Colony, a continual warfare will exist between the whites and blacks' and 'let us never forget that a general warfare must end in an utter extermination of one or other of the contending powers...' (Swan River Guardian, 20 July, 1837).

In November 1837 Reverend Louis Giustiniani wrote a series of letters to the Swan River Guardian saying in one that 'The huts of the Natives have been wantonly fired into during the night by Mr McLeod, and his assistants and the Kangaroo Cloaks of the poor creatures tossed into the fire' (Swan River Guardian, 16 November, 1837, p 248), and elsewhere that, 'The death of Jones and

Chidlow has required eighteen innocent victims, (that is the complaint of the Aboriginal British Subjects). They have been immolated to the vengeance of a party in the most cruel manner. Every Soldier had received a carte blanc from Lieutenant Bunbury and Mr Mc Leod, to shoot the Natives in all directions, and they have been faithful to their mission; but none of those victims had been previously tried, nor even the least evidence brought against them, before the deadly weapon of the armed European prostrated them to the ground. Barbarities of the middle age have been committed even by boys and Servants, who shot the unarmed woman, the unoffensive child, and the men who kindly showed it them the road in the bush; the ears of the corpses have been cut off, and hung up in the kitchen of a gentleman, as a signal of triumph!' (Swan River Guardian, 16 November, 1837, p 249).

Violence continued after this massacre. In May 1839 Sarah Cook and her infant child were killed at York by Nyungar people and there were attacks on Aboriginal groups subsequently (Green 1984 p 214). An attack by a posse in June 1839 reportedly resulted in one dead and two wounded and there was an attack on the York Encampment in July 1839 by a posse in which three were reported as wounded (Green 1984, p 214). Green cites 'C. S. O. 1839, Bland, 26 August' for the first and 'C. S. O. 1839, 74 Bland, 31 July' for the second. The link between the killings of Sarah Cook and her child and the June-July attacks, and the ideas that the attacks were on Ballardong people, and were organised by Lieutenant Mcleod, Government Resident at York, come from Mary Blight (Blight 2024) rather than from Green. Green, however, does say that McLeod was responsible for 'a new wave of violence' at York when he ignored an existing truce between the Nyungar and the colonist Heal (Green 1984 pp 122-3).

Victims Killed: 18 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Sydney Herald, 13 Oct, 1836 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/12862021; Perth Gazette, July 22, 1837, p 941 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/639907; Swan River Guardian, July 20, 1837, pp 205-206 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article214041794, November 16, 1837, p 249 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article214041771; Bunbury, 1930, p 27 https://library.dbca.wa.gov.au/static/FullTextFiles/628354.pdf; Borowitzka, 2011 p 367; Lieut Bunbury Odds and Ends book, Battye Library, MN 2575, Papers of the H.W. (Henry William) Bunbury, ACC 327A, 6895A, 7146A https://purl.slwa.wa.gov.au/slwa_b1845344_1; The Swan River Guardian, November 16, 1837, p 248 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/23543294; The Swan River Guardian November 16, 1837, p 249 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/23543295; The Perth Gazette and Western Australian Journal July 29, 1837, p 944 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/639896/1010; H.W. Bunbury, 1834-37 in Cameron and Barnes, 2014; Blight 2024 https://maryblight.com/2024/02/25/massacres-on-noongar-boodjar-from-1830-onwards/; Green 1984 Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=1101

Language Group, Nation or People: Wardandi | Colony/State/Territory at the time: WA

On 30 July 1837, Wardandi Noongar people were heard shouting on the nearby estuary. Bessie Bussell reported in a day-by-day diary entry (cited in Shann 1978, p 19) : 'Everyone immediately armed themselves, and in a little while we heard the firing of guns. After two hours' absence, they returned amidst crowds of natives. I fear more women were slain than men. All our little party returned safely. All was intended to be right, so I hope this skirmish will turn out for the best. Three women, one man, one boy are known to be dead, but more are supposed to be dying.'

Victims Killed: 7 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Allbrook, 2014 https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt13wwvzc.10; Jennings, 1983; Shann, 1978 https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Cattle_Chosen/Chapter_7. See Also: Carmody, 2021https://www.abc.net.au/news/2021-09-17/wonnerup-minninup-massacre-the-ghosts-are-not-silent/100458938 Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=1035

Language Group, Nation or People: Gamilaraay (Gomeroi) | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

Conflict in the Gwydir region intensified in 1837 including armed attacks on Gomeroi people to abduct women, and the killing of livestock and 5 colonists by Gomeroi people in several incidents (Milliss, 1992, p 159).

Men at Mr Bowman's station were killed by Gomeroi people as punishment for abducting women. Henry Bingham reported that 'I am well informed those men armed themselves with Muskets and made a rush, on the camp of those Blacks in order to deprive them by force, of their women and in revenge for this they have fallen sacrifice to their own lawless conduct' (Bingham, cited in Milliss, 1992, p 153). The killing of these men prompted the massacre of a large number of Gomeroi people at Gravesend.

In 1837 Missionary L.E. Threlkeld wrote of a massacre preceding the killing of two more shepherds at Anambah which is probably the Gravesend massacre: 'two shepherds of Mr Cobb's station, Anambah,' on the Gwydir River, 'who were unfortunately murdered by the Blacks, suffered it is said, in consequence of the atrocities being committed against the Blacks by the stockmen in another part of the country, which drove them towards Mr Cobb's station, where they met the two shepherds and wreaked their vengeance, in retaliation, on the unhappy sufferers.: so I am informed by one who was there at the time of the catastrophe' (Threlkeld in Gunson 1974, vol.II, p.145).

A chronology of killings of colonists records the date as November, 1837 (The Sydney Herald, 10 Dec 1838, p 2).

Milliss discusses the Gravesend massacre in his book Waterloo Creek:

'In evidence given in 1839 Mayne reported that a "dreadful massacre" was said to have been committed by stockmen in which as many as 200 Aboriginal people were killed. According to Milliss, Commissioner Edward Mayne 'gave no date for this massacre, except to say that it had taken place "previous to the murder of the two shepherds at Mr Cobb's station", which was itself, reputedly "done in revenge for another outrage of a similar kind upon the blacks"' (Mayne cited in Milliss 1992, p.159).

Mayne's evidence to the Committee on Police and Gaols is as follows:

'I was encamped with various of the tribes in my District for about

three months; there were at times 700 collected together, from a distance of one hundred

miles. They were induced to come in and collect together from the messages I sent to

them; there is at times great difficulty in inducing them to come in. I was anxious to have

an opportunity of explaining to them the object of my coming among them; they seemed

much pleased when I did so explain.

Between the Rivers Namoi, Peel, and Gwyder (or Big River) there is a Black

Native Population of between 2,000 and 3,000 persons.

When I arrived in that part of my District, such was the want of confidence

subsisting between the Whites and the Blacks, that wherever they encountered each other,

the Whites expected themselves or cattle to be speared, and the Blacks expected to be

fired at.

It seemed to be the general impression among the Overseers and Stockmen in the

Upper District, that the Namoi and Gwyder Blacks would unite and make a general attack

on the Herds and Stations. I think it probable there were grounds for that impression.

I consider that the desire of revenge on the part of the Blacks originated in various

outrages committed on them by Stockmen and persons of that class. Previous to my

arrival in the district, I believe many instances occurred in which the whites fired upon

the Blacks when merely meeting them on the runs. I am informed that the whites have

been known to rush them in the scrubs, and to fire upon their women and children; and that

the Stockmen and Hutkeepers always went about with fire-arms.

I issued a notice, cautioning the Stockmen from appearing with arms; it was

obeyed, and acknowledged by themselves generally to be attended with the best effects. I caused it to be explained to the blacks, and it tended much to a more friendly and

confidential feeling between both parties than had yet been exhibited. Previous to this, there were

few of the runs that the blacks dared not show themselves upon without being either fired at,

or hunted off like native dogs; nor were they permitted to approach the rivers without being

subject to attack. I have scarcely ever seen joy more strongly depicted in any

countenances, than in those of the blacks when I assured them that they might again fish quietly

in the rivers without being driven away. I have found such accounts and information as

I have received from time to time from the blacks to have proved substantially true. I would

instance particularly the case of the murder of the blacks which took place near to Mr.

Crawford's station, called Ardgowan Plains, situated on the Gwyder or Big River, and which

was afterwards fully corroborated on oath by an approver. This murder took place about

twelve days before Mr. Cobb's two shepherds were murdered by the blacks; about 1,000

sheep were destroyed at the same time. The blacks informed me that this was done in revenge

for the murder in question. They explained the delay to have arisen from the difficulty

of getting all the tribes together sooner; there was, in fact, a much larger number of blacks

assembled on that occasion than usual; the reports of some of the shepherds say 1,000.

Great excitement prevailed at that time among the blacks.

I believe two or three attacks had been made on them by the overseers and stock men within a few weeks on that part

of the river. They stated, that finding it impossible to retaliate on the mounted stockmen,

they determined to attack the shepherds and sheep. I conceive that the outrages committed upon the blacks were provoked in the first instance by their having speared cattle.

The first outrage that I heard of occurred about two years ago.

I consider that a good impression has been made upon the blacks by the late proceedings, and that a good opening has been made for the reception of a Protector amongst

them. They complained in some instances of the white men interfering with their women,

which appears to have been very common formerly; yet there is no doubt that they frequently

lend them for a time; but even this is not done without a degree of jealousy, and more or

less ill-feeling is likely to be engendered by it. There are some cases of black women

living with white men who have families by them, some of whom it will perhaps be necessary

to allow to remain, as they would probably be killed if forced to return to their tribes,

some of them also have become attached to the men they are living with, and would be

unwilling to leave them.

There are various reports of a dreadful massacre, said to have taken place some years

since, in which the stockmen are stated to have killed a great number of blacks; I have

heard it said, as many as 200 were killed on that occasion. I saw the place in which they

are

are said to be buried. It is known by the name of Gravesend from the number of appearances

of graves. This massacre is said to have taken place previous to the first murder of two shepherds at Mr Cobb's station, and which, it is reported, was done in revenge for

another outrage of a similar kind upon the blacks. Gravesend is a high mountain, situated

about three miles from Mr. Cobb's head station on the Gwydir or Big River.

I always issued the strictest orders to my men not to interfere with the black

Women; any man doing go in the camp would have been instantly put into irons.' (Mayne, Evidence to Committee on Police and Gaols 5.9.1839, pp 22-24, V&P 1839, V&P pp 22-24)

Mayne's version makes it clear that unusually large numbers of people could have been killed. He estimated 2000 to 3000 Gamilaraay lived in this region and he had witnessed up to 700 gather at a time. The war party against Cobb's Station was said to be 1000 strong. Mayne mentions that 'I believe two or three attacks had been made on them by the overseers and stock men within a few weeks on that part

of the river'. From the slightly disjoint narrative, it's not clear if Mayne is describing the same, or two two distinct events at Ardgowan Plains and Gravesend in the lead up to the killing of shepherds at Cobb's station.

Victims Killed: 150 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Gunson, 1974, vol.1, p. 145 https://hunterlivinghistories.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/threlkeld-gunson-2vols-newscan.pdf; The Sydney Herald, 10 Dec 1838, p 2 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/12859902 Milliss 1992, p 159; Mayne, Evidence to Committee on Police and Gaols 5.9.1839, V&P 1839. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=624

Language Group, Nation or People: Taungurung | Colony/State/Territory at the time: PPD

'After the overlander Fitzherbert Mundy and his partner Smyth established the first pastoral station on Taungurong land' in 1837, the drought began and they were harassed by the Taungurang demanding food. Mundy gave the Taungurong flour and according to historian Judith Bassett, 'whilst they were baking it, he and his men rode down upon them, shooting as many as they could. One of the survivors, Bulgertheroon, subsequently told the story of the Mundy Massacre to the Assistant Protector of the Aborigines, James Dredge. Dredge also heard corroborative evidence of the massacre from Mundy himself and duly confided in his diary that he would not be surprised, 'if at some favourable opportunity retributive justice overtakes the culprits.' (Dredge cited in Bassett 1989, p 26)

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Bassett 1989, p 26; Broome 2005, p 79. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=505

Language Group, Nation or People: Gamilaraay | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

The massacre at Anambah Station is part of an extended conflict. Two shepherds were killed at Mr Bowman's for abducting Gomeroi women. This prompted the Gravesend massacre. In response to this Gomeroi people killed two shepherds at Cobb's Station at Anambah. Stockmen from Cobb's Station then pursued and killed Aboriginal people thought to be responsible for the murder of the shepherds (Milliss 1992, pp 158-159).

A chronology of killings of colonists records the date as November, 1837 (The Sydney Herald, 10 Dec 1838, p 2).

According to Threlkeld,

'The two shepherds of Mr Cobb, who were unfortunately murdered by the Blacks, suffered it is said, in consequence of the atrocities being committed against the Blacks by the stockmen in another part of the country, which drove them towards Mr Cobb's station, where they met the two shepherds and wreaked their vengeance, in retaliation, on the unhappy sufferers.: so I am informed by one who was there at the time of the catastrophe. Their fellow servants armed themselves, overtook or came upon the tribe, found some with clothes of the murdered shepherds on their backs, whom they hewed to pieces with their hatchets, and killed others' (Threlkeld in Gunson 1974, vol.II, p.145).

Victims Killed: 40 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Gunson, 1974, vol.1, p. 145 https://hunterlivinghistories.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/threlkeld-gunson-2vols-newscan.pdf; Milliss 1992, p 159; The Sydney Herald, 10 Dec 1838, p 2 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/12859902 Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=1116

Language Group, Nation or People: Gamilaraay | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

On 26 January 1838, twenty six mounted police under the command of Lt Cobban and accompanied by several stockmen and settlers drove a party of Gamilaraay warriors into Snodgrass Lagoon, now known as Jews Lagoon, and shot and killed at least forty of them. The massacre was allegedly in reprisal for the spear wound of a mounted police trooper two hours earlier. The massacre took place at the end of a month-long operation by mounted police in search of Aboriginal warriors led by Major J W Nunn (Milliss 1992, pp 183-96). In the ensuing inquiry into the massacre, Sergeant John Lee said that 'from forty to fifty blacks were killed.' (HRA, I, XX, p 251). A party of local squatters who visited the site later reported that 'sixty or seventy' Aborigines were killed, 'some of them ... shot like crows in the trees.' (SMH, 2 July 1849, p 2) The Rev. L. E. Threlkeld, (Gunson 1974, vol 1, p 145) in his annual report for 1838 to the NSW Colonial Secretary, said that 'two or three hundred' were killed. This number could be the tally of Nunn's month long operation against Gamilaraay people in the region.

Victims Killed: 40 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Gunson 1974, vol. I, p. 145; BPP 1839, vol. 34, Paper 526; HRA, I, XX, 244-57; https://doi.org/10.26181/22300285.v1; SMH, July 2, 1849, p 2 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article28646745; Milliss 1992, pp 175-77, 183-96; Ryan 2003, pp 33-43; Town and Country Journal, 28 February, 1874. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=577

Language Group, Nation or People: Yorta Yorta | Colony/State/Territory at the time: PPD

On 7 April 1838 ten stockmen overlanding cattle to the Port Phillip District for William and George Faithfull set up camp at the Broken River near present day Benalla after shooting at and possibly killing an unknown number of people at the Ovens River. Although they did not know it, the Broken River camp was an important ceremonial site and Yorta Yorta meeting place. When the stockmen arrived at the Broken River on 6 April they found at least 10 Aboriginal men and their families already camped at the meeting place. On 7 April nine of Faithfulls' shepherds arrived with 4,000 sheep and camped at the meeting place and sought women from the Yorta Yorta camp. That night eight sheep went missing and on the following day, 8 April, the 19 stockmen and shepherds moved camp to the south bank of the Broken River only to be followed. On 9 April more Yorta Yorta arrived and on 11 April, Faithfulls' men prepared to strike camp with the stockmen departing first. Then 20 warriors attacked. One of the shepherds fired and killed a warrior, another fired and missed and the other eight shepherds ran away only to be struck down and killed. Four or five stockmen escaped to report the incident. According to historian Judith Bassett who conducted the most detailed research on the massacre, it 'bore all the hallmarks of traditional and specific revenge, whereby a small, ritually sanctioned group of Aborigines took their victim(s) by surprise and then returned quickly to their camp.'(Bassett 1989, p 23) They did not seek to kill every white man present. If this is the case then it suggests that the massacre was also in direct response to the earlier killing of Yorta Yorta people at the Ovens River.

Victims Killed: 8 (Colonists); Attackers Killed: 1 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People). Sources: Cannon 1982, p 312-334; Bride, 1898, pp 151, 186, 241 https://archive.org/details/lettersfromvicto00publiala/mode/2up; Atkinson & Aveling 1987, p 45-54; Bassett 1989, p 18-34; Russell 2002, p 47-8, 53-4; Argus September 13, 1883, p 9 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article11828136. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=506

Language Group, Nation or People: Gamilaraay | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

This massacre is part of a group of massacres

On the 10th of September, 1838, Edward Denny Day sent a letter from the Muswellbrook Police Office to the Colonial Secretary in relation to the Myall Creek massacre. This letter described a 'war of extermination' in the area around the time of the Slaughterhouse creek massacre: 'It will be my duty in my next letter to offer with the permission of his Excellency some observation on the present lawless state of the neighbourhood of the Big River [Gwydir River]. Indeed I am almost justified in stating that a war of extermination has been carrying on there against the blacks who neglect no opportunity of retaliating by destroying the cattle of the settlers' (Day, Letter to Colonial Secretary, 10 September 1838). 'Big River' was the early colonial name for the Gwydir River.

On the 5th of September, 1839, Day as Police Magistrate of Muswellbrook gave evidence to the Committee on Police and Gaols. He spoke of the country being in a state of warfare and mentioned three massacre sites prior to the massacre at Myall Creek: Vinegar Hill, Slaughterhouse Creek and Gravesend, committed by groups of mounted and armed stockmen:

'I was engaged during part of the last year in inquiring into the circumstances of the murder of a number of blacks, at the Big River, between two hundred and three hundred miles from the settled districts. I was engaged in the investigation and journey forty-seven days. That part of the country appeared to me to be in a most unsettled state; the whites seemed to feel that they were in an enemy's country, and were afraid to move out of their huts without fire arms, and the huts were provided with loop-holes, to fire through, in the event of their being attacked. The blacks had at that time committed many outrages; I think four stockmen or shepherds had been murdered, and cattle speared in great numbers on many of the runs; and sheep had also been driven away; but I have reason to know that these outrages had been fully and fearfully avenged. It was represented to me, and I believe truly, that the blacks had been repeatedly pursued by parties of mounted and armed stockmen, assembled for the purpose, and that great numbers of them had been killed at various spots, particularly at Vinegar Hill, Slaughter-house Creek, and Gravesend, places so called by the stockmen, in commemoration of the deeds enacted there. The murder I was sent to investigate took place at Myall Creek, Mr. Henry Danger's cattle station, where twenty-eight blacks—men, women, and children—were killed. The whole party of stockmen, twelve in number, who were engaged in this dreadful deed, were apprehended, except one; and seven of them were executed. At the time of my visit, the blacks and whites were alike exasperated against each other; in fact, the country was, I may say, in a state of warfare. It had been then occupied not much more than two years, and as the blacks were decidedly friendly at first, as was shown by their assisting in forming many of the stations, by stripping bark and in other ways, I can only account for the hostility that existed subsequently, by attributing it to the interference on the part of some of the stockmen with their women, which the blacks revenged on the first unprotected white persons who fell in their way' (Day, Evidence to Committee on Police and Gaols 5.9.1839, V&P 1839, p 224).

According to the author of the Wallabadah manuscript, most likely William Telfer, an early colonist in the area, 'the stations on the Mcintyre were not long occupied when the aboriginals began to be very hostile and to be agresive to the whites the cause was the Masacre of the blacks at slaughter house creek on the Big River where they ran the blacks into the Stockyard and destroyed them without mercy' (Telfer, 1980, p 37).

According to historian RHW Reece, (Reece, 1974, p.34), the Slaughterhouse Creek massacre was part of 'The Bushwhack or The Drive' that took place in the months following Major Nunn's expedition and the Waterloo Creek massacre on 26 January 1838.

A massacre at Slaughterhouse Creek is widely recorded in local oral history and folklore. Roger Milliss summarises the various accounts in his book Waterloo Creek (Milliss, 1992, pp 198-203) noting that some involve a detailed chronology. These accounts suggest that 'The Bushwhack... continued without let-up for four to five weeks, with men in the saddle day after day pursuing the hunt. But towards the end of May or early in June, as they swept across the east past Terry Hie Hie, they suddenly realised the blacks had slipped through the net.' Hearing of a hidden ravine, 'A party of fifteen heavily armed stockmen, so the story goes, made their way through the bush in the dead of night and quietly surrounded the gorge, in much the same way as Nunn and Cobban had set up their nocturnal ambush on the Namoi five months earlier. A large number of Aborigines, several hundred apparently, were asleep in the bed of the creek below. When daylight came the fifteen whites positioned on the steep slopes on either side opened up on them with muskets, carbines and shotguns, then clambered down and completed their murderous work with pistols, swords and cutlasses. Up to 300 people are said to have perished' (Milliss, 1992, p 202). As it was a long expedition, it is possible that killing occurred at both the stockyard mentioned in Telfer's account and the ravine mentioned in local oral history, or that the story has changed over time. While the number 300 may be an exaggeration, considering that there was a sustained period of killing, or that in both versions the victims were trapped in a small space and killed by a well-armed and coordinated group of colonists, the death toll would be high.

According to Milliss there are various versions of the folk tradition of a long campaign covering a large area of Gomeroi country (Milliss, 1992, pp 200-201). One of these is by C.F. Boughton in his serialisation of Moree history in the North West Champion in 1949 and 1951. Broughton wrote, 'I have mentioned the foregoing facts because they give a better understanding of what led up to the Slaughterhouse Creek massacre, that, like the Umbercollie attempt to settle differences, was a reprisal on a larger scale than any other that we have any knowledge of in this district. It was undertaken by district squatters and their stockmen. By the use of slashing whips, and with guns in reserve, the natives were driven into a yard and then shot. From my father, who got the story from those who came to the district before him, I understand that a large number of natives were slaughtered, and in my early boyhood heard men say that bones were still to be seen strewn around the scene of the massacre. My father told us that those guilty were brought to trial, and on some fault in the indictment were acquitted, but on a second trial were found guilty and condemned to death. The creek and the run on which these things occurred now bear the name of Slaughterhouse Creek. The Gwydir Highway crosses this creek about a mile eastward from Biniguy, but the tragedy took place several miles upstream from where the highway crosses the creek' (North West Champion, 20 Oct 1949, p 10).

There are two main locations mentioned in relation to Slaughterhouse Creek where a large amount of people were killed. One is at a stockyard near the junction of Slaughterhouse Creek and the Gwydir River, and the other is at the headwaters of Slaughterhouse Creek in a ravine. The narratives in local 'folk' history (Millis, 1992, pp 198-203) say that there was killing at multiple locations, which accords with the official evidence of a 'war of extermination' and roving bands of armed mounted colonists who would shoot on sight, so it's reasonable to think killing occurred at both these distinct sites, and possibly more. Police Magistrate Day's evidence mentions 'Vinegar Hill'. There is no information available indicating a place of that name in the area. In his notes on p 811, Milliss suggests 'Vinegar Hill' may be Biniguy or 'Binegar'. The word is phonetically similar, so colonists may have, after the massacre, euphemistically corrupted the name to associate it with the Vinegar Hill uprising in the early colony of Sydney, named in turn after a battle in the Irish uprising, or Denny Day or the committee scribe may simply have misheard it as 'Vinegar'.

Edward Mayne estimated the population of Gomeroi people in the area to be 2,000 and 3,000 persons and had seen 700 gathered at a time (Mayne, Evidence to Committee on Police and Gaols 5.9.1839, pp 22-24). These high populations and concentrations indicate a high death toll is reasonable, particularly considering the confined space with little avenue of escape and that the colonists had assembled a large, mounted and well armed force for the purpose of finding and killing Aboriginal people.

Victims Killed: 200 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Reece 1974, p.34; Telfer, 1980; Day, Letter to Colonial Secretary, 31 July 1838, SRNSW CSO CSR 38/9458 Telfer, 1980; Milliss 1992, pp 200-3; Day, Letter to Colonial Secretary, 10 September 1838, SRNSW CSO CSR 38/9458; Mayne, Evidence to Committee on Police and Gaols 5.9.1839, pp 22-4, NSWLC V&P 1839; Day, Evidence to Committee on Police and Gaols 5.9.1839, p 224, NSWLC V&P 1839; North West Champion, 20 Oct 1949, p 10 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/184173250 Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=578

Language Group, Nation or People: Gamilaraay (Kamilaroi/Gomeroi) | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

This massacre is part of a group of massacres

On the 5th of September, 1839, Edward Denny Day, Police Magistrate of Muswellbrook gave evidence to the Committee on Police and Gaols. He spoke of the country being in a state of warfare and mentioned three massacre sites prior to the massacre at Myall Creek: Vinegar Hill, Slaughterhouse Creek and Gravesend, committed by groups of mounted and armed stockmen:

'It was represented to me, and I believe truly, that the blacks had been repeatedly pursued by parties of mounted and armed stockmen, assembled for the purpose, and that great numbers of them had been killed at various spots, particularly at Vinegar Hill, Slaughter-house Creek, and Gravesend, places so called by the stockmen, in commemoration of the deeds enacted there' (Day, Evidence to Committee on Police and Gaols 5.9.1839, p 224).

Descriptions of the massacre at Slaughterhouse Creek often describe it as an extended expedition of colonists aiming to finding and kill Aboriginal people. The headwaters of Slaughterhouse creek and the mouth of Slaughterhouse Creek, where it joins the Gwydir River at Biniguy, are both mentioned as massacre sites. Since this was an extended expedition it is reasonable to think both of these locations are massacre sites rather than it being one or the other. In Day's evidence, he mentions Vinegar Hill as a separate site to both Slaughterhouse Creek and Gravesend. Gravesend is a site reported by others. In his notes on p 811, Millis suggests 'Vinegar Hill' may be Biniguy or 'Binegar' (Millis, 1992, p 811). The word is phonetically similar, so colonists may have, after the massacre, corrupted the name to associate it with the Vinegar Hill uprising in the early colony of Sydney, named in turn after a battle in the Irish uprising, or Denny Day or the court scribe may simply have misheard it as 'Vinegar'. No other likely location for 'Vinegar Hill' in this region has been identified.

See Slaughterhouse Creek.

Victims Killed: 20 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Reece 1974, p.34; Telfer, 1980;Day, Letter to Colonial Secretary, 31 July 1838, SRNSW CSO CSR 38/9458; Telfer, 1980; Millis 1992, pp 200-3; Day, Letter to Colonial Secretary, 10 September 1838, SRNSW CSO CSR 38/9458; Day, Evidence to Committee on Police and Gaols 5.9.1839, p 224, NSWLC V&P 1839; North West Champion, 20 Oct 1949, p 10 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/184173250; Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=1124

Language Group, Nation or People: Djadjawurrung | Colony/State/Territory at the time: PPD

On 23 July 1839, 'in conversation with Thomas B. Alexander, agent for Captain Sylvester Brown at Darlington Station,' James Dredge, Assistant Protector of the Aborigines' in the region, 'was informed that in the winter of 1838, 'the Aborigines took away a flock of between 800 and 900 sheep,' and [that] when Alexander's men (Captain Sylvester Brown's employees) 'located them 13 Aborigines were shot before the sheep were recovered.' (Dredge cited in Clark 1995, p.89)

Victims Killed: 13 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Clark ID 1995, p 89. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=509

Language Group, Nation or People: Djadjawurrung or Ngurai-illamwurrung | Colony/State/Territory at the time: PPD

John Coppock, W.H. Yaldwin's overseer at Barfold Station, on the Coliban River, said in a sworn statement, that on 9 June 1838 about 50 Aboriginal people had stolen sheep from Dr Bowman's and Mr Yaldwyn's runs (Coppock cited in Cannon and Macfarlane, 1982, pp 336-337). Coppock led a party of eight white men from both stations in search of the Aboriginal camp and the sheep. When they reached the camp 'a shot was fired' and the Aboriginal men 'immediately manned their spears and gave another shout and instantly began throwing them at us. These spears dropped by us and passed as we were obliged to shelter ourselves behind trees.'

'We fired upon the blacks and there was a regular engagement for about three-quarters of an hour, when we rushed up to the fires to take possession of the place. When we got to the fires the blacks had deserted them, but we saw them about one or two hundred yards off still in possession of the sheep. It was at this time quite dark and we were afraid to make any further attempt to take the sheep. We therefore went home.'

'At the place where the blacks stood during the engagement we found seven or eight blacks dead' (Coppock cited in Cannon & Macfarlane 1982a, p 337). When Coppock and six stockmen returned to the camp the next day, they 'found the bodies of the blacks who had been killed had been put upon the fire and were partly consumed' (Cannon & Macfarlane, 1982A, p 338). However, since Aboriginal people did not dispose of bodies in this way, it can only be assumed that Coppock and his party put them 'upon the fire'.

Victims Killed: 7 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Cannon & Macfarlane, 1982, pp 336-340; See also: Clark ID 1995, p 98. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=520

Language Group, Nation or People: Wirayaraay (Gamilaraay) | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

In the absence of William Hobbs, the overseer of Myall Creek station on the Gwydir River, twelve horsemen galloped into the station late on Sunday afternoon 10 June 1838 and tied up 28 Wirayaraay old men, women and children and forced them to walk to an area out of sight of the station huts. The horsemen then fired at the tied up people with pistols and fowling pieces and then hacked and bludgeoned them to death with swords and cutlasses. Then they rode off and returned next day and burnt the bodies. The massacre was led by settler John Henry Fleming and eleven stockmen; John Russell, Charles Kilmeister, Edward Foley, Charles Toulouse, James Oates, William Hawkins, John Johnstone, James Parry, John Blake, Edward Palliser and William Lamb. When Hobbs returned to Myall Creek station three days later, he was told about the massacre by hut keeper Charles Anderson and after viewing the burnt bodies, Hobbs wrote a letter reporting the massacre to the Colonial Secretary in Sydney who ordered an investigation by magistrate Edward Denny Day. The ringleader, John Henry Fleming disappeared before Day arrived in the region, leaving the 11 stockmen to take the rap. They were arrested and charged with murder and taken to Sydney for trial in the Supreme Court. However two trials were required before seven of them were convicted and hanged on 18 December 1838. This is the only known case in NSW where perpetrators of a frontier massacre of Aboriginal people were convicted and hanged. Myall Creek is the best known massacre event in Australia. Beginning in 2000, the massacre is acknowledged every June in a public ceremony of remembrance at the massacre site. The ceremony is attended by, among others, descendants of the perpetrators and victims in a gesture of reconciliation. (Based on Lydon and Ryan, 2018).

Victims Killed: 28 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: HRA, I, xix, p 700-7 https://opal.latrobe.edu.au/articles/book/Historical_records_of_Australia_Series_I_Governors_despatches_to_and_from_England_Volume_XIX_July_1837-January_1839_edited_by_Frederick_Watson_/22300282?file=39667741; The Australian, July, 17, 1838, p 3 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/36854124; November 17, 1838, p 2 - https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/36859766 and December 1, 1838, p 2 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/36860246; SMH, July 2, 1849 p2 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article28646745 Tedeschi, 2016; Lydon and Ryan, 2018. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=579

Language Group, Nation or People: Djadjawurrung | Colony/State/Territory at the time: PPD

'In July 1838, Henry Boucher Bowerman, at Mount Mitchell or Burnbank Station on McCallums and Doctors Creeks,' 'had a flock of sheep driven from his run by some Aborigines. While the sheep were being recovered, between 10 and 14 Aboriginal people were shot' by Bowerman's overseer, John M Allen (Clark, 1995, p 89). This was the first of 2 massacres carried out by Allen at Bowerman's station.

Victims Killed: 10 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Lang 1847, p 132; Clark 1995, p 89-90. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=510

Language Group, Nation or People: Wiriyaraay or Gamilaraay or Yugambul | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

Following the Myall Creek massacres Commissioner for Crown Lands, Edward Mayne, was sent to the Gwydir River to investigate the status of the region and specifically the earlier killing of shepherds and sheep at Bowman's station, and at Cox's station. While he was there, in August 1838, Charles Eyles, manager at Crawford's station on the Gwydir River and two stockmen, James Dunn and William Allen, shot and killed nine Gomeroi people on Ardgowan Island on the Gwydir River, and burnt and buried the bodies in a shallow grave (Millis, 1992, p 580). The remains were discovered in February 1839 by a trooper under Edward Mayne's command and a drover (Mayne to Colonial Secretary, 23-28 Feb 1839, cited in Milliss 1992, p 580-2). Eyles disappeared along with Dunn while Allen was sent by Mayne to Muswellbrook for interview by magistrate Edward Denny Day who charged him with murder. According to Milliss, Allen was never brought to trial (Milliss 1992, p 678).

Victims Killed: 9 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Milliss 1992, pp 580-2, 678. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=626

Language Group, Nation or People: Wulluwurrung or Nundadjali | Colony/State/Territory at the time: PPD

Sources are contradictory and confused about what happened on the Henty's Merino Downs run in 1838, but available information and context suggest it is more likely than not that a massacre known as 'Murdering Flat' occurred in response to the murder of a shepherd on the Henty's property.

The Henty family moved to the Portland Bay area after struggling to establish themselves at Swan River and King George Sound, and then in Van Diemen's Land. At Portland Bay in 1834 they were among the first Europeans (Labilliere, 1878) and in 1837 took up a large run further inland at Merino Downs (Hamilton Spectator, 29 November 1884 p2). Perhaps aware of the concerns of the reformist government in England when James Henty wrote to Governor Arthur in 1834 he included a memorial from Thomas Henty to Chief Secretary of State for the Colonies, which said, 'Four of his sons having had considerable experience in the management and treatment of the Natives at Swan River and King George's Sound; at which latter place they are better managed and under better control than in most others. A son of your Memorialist was living within three miles of the settlement at King George's Sound between one and five years, in the midst of whole tribes of aborigines totally unprotected and such was the good feeling kept up between them, that no instance of misconduct occurred among them; they were taught to labour for, and earn the food with which they were occasionally supplied' (Labilliere, 1878, ch1).

According to Francis (Frank) Henty, when they first moved to Merino Downs they established friendly relations with Aboriginal people: 'On first settling at Merino Downs you will naturally suppose that conflict would take place with the natives, but, fortunately for myself, I had personally less trouble than anyone. After the first few weeks they became friendly, and began to assemble at intervals, increasing their number until they reached several hundreds, having, apparently, collected all their, tribes around from the greatest distance they could manage, but how far a distance I was not likely to know' (Hamilton Spectator, 29 November 1884 p2).

Relations soon deteriorated: 'When out stations were formed they soon became familiar with the ways and loneliness of the shepherds, commenced thieving, and attacked the hut, where one shepherd, whose name was Heath, was cruelly murdered. Shortly afterwards another man was attacked in his hut near Merino. He, however, was prepared, and when the native entered the hut and laid hold of the gun with his left hand in the act of striking with the "lee angle" in the other, he got the contents of the gun through his chest...' (Hamilton Spectator, 29 November 1884 p2).

Frank Henty's statement that 'I am thankful to be able to say, gentlemen, that I was so fortunate as never to cause blood shed or injury to the natives in my life' (Hamilton Spectator, 29 November 1884 p2) implies that colonists in the area at the time were typically involved in killing or injuring Aboriginal people, and it was unusual that he had not personally killed or injured anyone.

In February 1839 Dr D.C. Collier wrote two letters to the Colonial Secretary about his experiences in Portland Bay suggesting a police force be sent there to catch runaway convicts and to protect Aboriginal people from whalers and the 'immense quantity of spiritous liquors being sold by Messrs Henty, the result of which is extremely calamitous. Hostilities commence and the pass word is "One must take the law in our own hands as the Government will give us no protection"' (HRV v.IIb, p628). In the second he reported, '...the late most awful and atrocious massacre committed upon the aboriginal native at Australia Felix by sheep and cattle herdsmen in the employ of Messrs Henty who have established themselves as whalers at Portland Bay and carrying on sheep grazing at Australia Felix... Owing to the many base acts committed by these stockmen towards the wives and daughters of these unhappy people... [Aboriginal people] murdered a hut-keeper who was guilty of the above mentioned infamy and also during his stay having shot a great number without motive, without reason, and without any cause, but that of being unable to take away their females... Upon the report of the murder of the hut-keeper being made to a Mr Edward Henty, he proceeds to Australia Felix, taking with him two armed men and all the powder and balls that could be found at their stores at the Bay. Upon their arrival Mr Henty issued his edict, armed, equipped, and ammunitioned to I believe the number of 14 men. They proceeded to take, as stated by them, their revenge and fell in the evening with a hut full. Upon their hearing the noise of some footsteps the Aborigines came out and an alarm was given the whole, and as they came out they were shot, and those stockmen that had no firearms were found with a pole at the end of which a one-half of a sheep shears was placed, and some of the unfortunate mothers, with infants in their arms, crying for mercy, were perforated through' (HRV v.IIb, p629).

In response to his letter Governor Gipps sent Captain Fyans with Mounted Police and a surveyor to investigate the allegation. Fyans and his group had a difficult journey and were watched and escaped spearing by Aboriginal people on the way to Portland (Fyans, 1986, p 225). In a letter to Colonial Secretary Thomson from Portland Fyans wrote, '... towards Port Fairy, the natives are numerous, and to all appearance in great agitation at our appearance, which to me fully proves of bad acts being committed on them' (Fyans, 1986, p 228).

In describing his investigation in his memoirs, Fyans wrote, 'The only Europeans in the country, Mr Henty and Mr Winter, these gentlemen had a difference regarding boundary lines, though not a living soul was to oppose their voracious wishes in taking and holding whatever they wished.' After two days at Merino Downs he added, 'Spending two days on this part of our mission, we left our friends, wishing them prosperity. Here again I was indebted to Mr Henty, who kindly provided us, restoring our commissariat' (p 229).

Collier's reputation was discredited by residents at Portland and by Fyans: 'Asking for the character and description of the Doctor, receiving the very worst possible, on the oath of many, I suspected that he was a downright imposter' (Fyans, 1986, p 229). Governor Gipps had also been suspicious of Collier's identity (HRV, vIIb, p 631).

While favouring the Henty's reputation over Collier's, who had gone to Van Diemen's Land at the time, and was not interviewed, Fyans does not state whether the massacre did or did not occur or whether the Hentys or their employees were involved.

Edward Henty made a sworn deposition on 11 June 1839 writing that, 'From my first arrival in 1834 to October 1838, we were on most friendly terms with the natives, with the exception of a disturbance in June 1838 at one of our out-stations. One native was shot by Joseph Bonsor, after receiving a severe blow with a waddy on the right temple... About the middle of October, my brother Mr John Henty sent in from the station, about 55 miles from this, stating that William Heath, shepherd, had been barbarously murdered by seven natives. I proceeded out with two men, armed.' At the scene they found the deceased shepherd. 'On the following day I proceeded with a party of five. We were armed. About 10 miles we came up with a number of women and four men... They informed us that the natives who committed the murder were about six miles ahead of us. We went on but did not find them. We returned home, since which time, I believe, it has never given any of my family the slightest consideration, and at the present time we are on the best of terms with the different tribes in this place.' Edward Henty further said his employees were free men from Van Diemen's Land, and that spirits were not provided to them and that he had little trouble with them (HRV vIIB, pp 631-632).

Trevor and Samuel Winter, on the Henty's neighbouring run, said in their sworn depositions that Charles Corrigan had shot a 15 or 16 year old Aboriginal boy in November. In October one of the Winter's men had been speared and '... a disturbance had taken place with the natives... The natives informed Mr Henty's people that two of their tribe had been killed. I made inquiry into the affair and could come to no conclusion... The reason of the natives calling at my place and the disturbance originated in a quarrel with Mr Henty's men. I have never heard of my natives being burnt, or that any considerable number have been killed' (HRV vIIb, p 635). He added that in other incidents overlanders led by Captain Hart had armed themselves to drive Aboriginal people out of the river and that William Jefry had been speared (HRV vIIb, p 635). The spearing of Jefry occurred in October during a stock raid involving 300 to 400 Aboriginal people: 'During my master's absence in October, from 300 to 400 natives came on the sheep... I went on the hill with Elliott and Corrigan to keep the natives off. They flung spears at us. I was speared through the shoulder and back' (HRV vIIb, p 637).

Based on the reputation of Collier, and these reports, Cannon says that 'Unless perjury on a grand scale took place, it appears that Dr Collier's allegations were grossly exaggerated versions of other incidents' (HRV vIIb, p 627). While Collier uses sensationalised language, it is reasonable to think that 'perjury on a grand scale' would occur in these circumstances. The region was almost exclusively populated by whalers who were notorious for abducting women and whalers were involved in the Convincing Ground massacre in 1833; by former convicts and runaway convicts who had a culture of not informing to police, and; by squatters in open defiance of the government who were desperate to succeed. Many of these people had come from Van Diemen's Land immediately following the 'Black War' and conflict had already broken out to the east on the overland from Sydney to Melbourne. Colonists in this area were typically complicit in violence against Aboriginal people. The Myall Creek massacres and executions had recently taken place so colonists expected to hang if they confessed to massacring Aboriginal people. The one killing of an Aboriginal person that Edward Henty admitted to was committed by Joseph Bonsor, who had already died in an unrelated accident (HRV vIIb, p 632). In this situation, an isolated complicit outlaw community stonewalling and dodging a visiting police investigator is to be expected and it would be strange if perjury on a grand scale did not occur (HRV vIIb p 632). Fyans wrote, '...in fact every fellow appears the master, and no doubt numerous bad and improper acts have been committed and hid from us. I have spoken to many of the men about here, almost without receiving a civil reply' (HRV vI, p253).

Most people in Australia at that time had dubious backgrounds, particularly in the unsanctioned frontier settlement at Portland, so it is highly unlikely a massacre could be reported by anyone other than someone with a dubious reputation. Collier was not interviewed and had no opportunity to defend his reputation or allegations. Whatever his background, in this social milieu, Dr Collier would not have made accusations lightly for fear of reprisal, and it is not surprising that he fled to Van Diemen's Land.

Fyans's account must also be read with caution. After a long and arduous journey, Fyans was treated with great hospitality by the wealthy Henty family and his party's supplies generously replenished, "There was nothing to be procured in the place, this worthy gentleman [Mr Henty] affording us every needful requisite' (Fyans, 1986, p 227). Fyans and the Henty family went on to become successful and respected members of colonial society. The Henty family was particularly wealthy and powerful by the time Fyans wrote his memoirs. On a separate occasion Fyans praised colonists, who had killed four Aboriginal people during a sheep raid at the Leigh River: 'I saw some four natives that had been shot dead. I investigated the affray, and gave much credit to the men for their good conduct' (Bride, 1898, p 115).

Fyans read Henty's journals and did not find any evidence in them that the Hentys were involved in a massacre: 'I have taken some depositions here and I have also read over carefully Mr Henty's Journal of all acts committed since 1934 to the present time' (p 255 HRV Ia). Edward Henty's journal notes nothing suggesting the massacre in October 1838 (Peel, 2013). At first glance it appears that in October 1838 Edward Henty might have been occupied with farm business every day except Sundays. However, Edward Henty later stated in his deposition in 1838 that he and a group of armed men had ridden out after William Heath had been killed. The journal makes no reference to the killing of William Heath. Edward Henty's deposition also mentions that Joseph Bonsor had shot an Aboriginal person in June 1838, and later shot himself by accident but the only mention of Bonsor in Edward's journal of 1838 is a list of supplies he was equipped with and that he took down a cooperage. Winter's deposition mentions killings related to Captain Hart's overlanding expedition to Adelaide but again, the only mention of Captain Hart in the journal relates to his arrival, departure and inventories. That Fyans read the Henty's journals and found nothing to incriminate them tells us nothing as the journals are concerned with routine farm business and arrivals and departures, and exclude noteworthy and violent incidents, even the deaths of their own shepherds that they detail elsewhere.

Although favouring Henty, Bassett acknowledges that although many of Fyans's reports of his expedition remain, Fyans's full report, which was to be made when he returned to Geelong, 'has not been found' (Bassett p 447). Bassett also suggests that 'the fact that official appointments were given not long after to both Edward and Stephen Henty is conclusive proof that Governor Gipps - no friend to squatters - was fully satisfied that Collier's sensational charges, so far as the Hentys were concerned, were false' (Bassett, p 447). Aside from the Myall Creek massacre no colonist was ever convicted of a massacre. Another possibility is that Gipps was artfully navigating the conflicting demands of the British Government in London and the realities of the frontier, including the threats of powerful squatters and the wealth they generated. The phrase 'so far as the Hentys were concerned' allows for a massacre having occurred on their property or by their staff, without their direct involvement in the killing.

That at least one of the Henty family was in favour of exterminating Aboriginal people in the region is revealed in Robinson's journals, several years after the event. In his journal entry of 20 May 1841 Robinson wrote that he encountered Mr Henty and Police Magistrate Blair, some time after the murder of Morton and that, 'They were under great excitement - thought the natives of this tribe should be exterminated... He, Blair, said he knew what he would do if he was governor. He would send down soldiers and if they did not deliver up the murderer he would shoot the whole tribe. I said it would not perhaps be so easy. Mr Henty said there would be no difficulty on the Glenelg as they had only the river to fly too [sic] and they could soon ferrit [sic] them out from among the rocks' (Clark, 1998b, p 222). That Henty not only agreed but had practical advice on how extermination could be carried out suggests that one of the Hentys could have been involved, or at least condoned, the earlier massacre at Murdering Flat.

A writer calling themself 'Vagabond', in a brief history of the region in 1885, wrote that, 'The handful of settlers then had to take the law into their own hands, and exacted summary retribution, which served as a warning for the future. "The Fighting Waterholes" was the name first given to the battle scene, but to the present generation it is known as "Murdering Flat." The blacks have all gone now...' (The Argus, 25 April 1885, p 4)

'Vagabond' conflated Murdering Flat with another massacre, Fighting Waterholes. This contributes to confusion in later accounts, though at the time, it was corrected by Francis Henty: 'The conflict alluded to, of which I necessarily heard soon after its occurrence, was, as "The Vagabond" rightly says, at the "Fighting Waterholes;" but these are at least eight or ten miles from the junction of Bryant's Creek with the Wannon, being situated to the north or north west of the Koonongwootoong station, taken up by and at that time in the occupation of the Messrs. White Brothers' and adds that 'The plain mentioned derived its name of the "Murdering Flat" from the fact that one of the first shepherds I had with me was cruelly murdered there, doubtless by the natives, though his death was not avenged in the manner described; neither am I aware that any conflict ever took place on the flat, which lies on the south side of the Wannon, at its junction with Bryant's Creek. I would reiterate what I have already stated in public - that I never fired a shot at, or injured an aboriginal, in my life' (The Argus, 16 May 1885).

Francis is again specific in stating only that he himself had never killed anyone. Aside from the Convincing Ground massacre 5 years earlier, the massacre at Murdering Flat would be the first inland massacre in a period of fighting commonly known as the 'Eumeralla Wars', one of the most intense concentrations of massacres in Australia. The events at Murdering Flat were followed by a dramatic escalation in violence, including the attack of a war party of hundreds of Aboriginal warriors at the Winters' property. There were five massacres in the immediate vicinity of Merino Downs in 1840, including 'Fighting Waterholes'.

Statements suggesting that the Hentys were uniquely on peaceful terms with Aboriginal people are contradicted, sometimes in their own words. In 1842 Fyans listed 19 pastoralists who had lost stock in raids, among them the Hentys. As well as the killing of their shepherd, S.G. Henty recalled, contradicting his brother Edward, that there was hostile resistance from their first arrival at Merino Downs to the extent they had difficulty retaining staff: '1837. It was not until the 3rd of August in this year that we succeeded in driving our first flock on to the Merino Downs Station a day that will be memorable in the recollection of the family of the writer as the natal day of his first-born son, Richmond. The remainder of our stock was sent up as fast as possible, with which we occupied the stations known as Muntham, Connell's run, and Sandford. At this time we had very great difficulty in retaining the services of any men, owing to the hostile disposition of the natives, to which many of our men's lives were sacrificed' (Bride, 1898, p263). While Francis Henty may not have been involved in the violence it is unreasonable to think that Aboriginal people singled out the Henty property for diplomatic immunity or that, having failed elsewhere and with no other recourse, that, under duress, the Hentys or their employees took no action to preserve their run, particularly when shepherds and flocks were attacked or killed.

In 1964 or 1965 local historian, E.R. Trangmar published a short talk he says was based on 10 books, 5 diaries and interviews with local residents descended from pioneers. Unfortunately, he didn't indicate which source he obtained specific details from. In it he distinguishes 5 massacres in the immediate area and provides clarifying information to avoid confusion between two incidents referred to as 'Murdering Flat' (Trangmar, 1964, p 5). According to Trangmar, 'Murdering Flat' was previously 'Clover Flat' and a cannon was used in the massacre (this is the 'Murdering Flat' discussed here). He doesn't name Henty or give a date. The other 'Murdering Flat' was a poisoning between Sandford Bridge at the junction of the Glenelg and Wannon Rivers. This second 'Murdering Flat' is about 10km west of Clover Flat (see Connell's Ford). These are both distinct from 'Fighting Waterholes', comprised of two massacres (see 'Fighting Hills' and 'Fighting Waterholes'), which 'Vagabond' had conflated with 'Murdering Flat'. Another was a poisoning at Wootong Vale. In Trangmar's account of Murdering Flat he wrote, 'While the blacks were holding a corroboree and feasting on some freshly killed stock they were fired upon by the settlers, using an old cannon loaded with bolts, nails, gravel and stones with telling effec.' (Trangmar, 1964, p 5)

Although Trangmar carefully distinguishes these massacres, it's not clear if the claim a cannon was used results from confusion. Colliers said that Edward Henty brought 'two armed men and all the powder and balls that could be found at their stores at the Bay' (HRV vIIb, p629) and it seems strange he would not have mentioned a cannon. However, it is possible a small, portable, cannon was readily available as Edward Henty was involved with whaling and many ships of the time were equipped with small cannon or 'swivel guns'. Edward Henty admitted that when he heard of the murder of two shepherds, he 'proceeded out with two men, armed' (HRV vIIB, pp 631-632). Historian Critchett wrote that the Hentys' neighbours, the Winters and the Wedges, both had swivel guns at their properties (Critchett, 1992). The Wedges took up a run at land previously occupied by the Hentys (Bride, 1898, p 162). It is reasonable to think the Hentys as whalers and farmers, had a swivel gun at their property, just as their neighbours did. Like Edward Henty, Chas Wedge wrote that 'Up to this time [1839] we had but little trouble with the aborigines' and added that, 'but they now began to attack our shepherds, whom they drove from their flocks'. He also mentions the overlanding to Adelaide such as the expedition mentioned in Winter's deposition during Fyan's investigation in 1839 (Bride, 1898, p 162). This suggests that amidst the escalating violence of late 1838 and 1839 a major event, beyond 'payback' killing of individuals, most likely the Murdering Flat massacre, triggered a large-scale resistance, involving war parties of hundreds of warriors raiding and killing colonists and thousands of livestock and the numerous massacres of the Eumeralla Wars.

Victims Killed: 14 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Fyans, 1986; Labilliere, 1878 https://gutenberg.net.au/ebooks13/1301991h.html; Hamilton Spectator, 29 November 1884 p2 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article225662229; The Argus, 25 April 1885, p 4 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/6076458; Bride, 1898 https://archive.org/details/lettersfromvicto00publiala/mode/2up; HRV vI; HRV vIIb; Clark, 1998b; Peel, 2013; Critchett, 1990; Trangmar, E.R 1964 Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=511

Language Group, Nation or People: Djadjawurrung | Colony/State/Territory at the time: PPD

In April 1839, Assistant Protector Charles Sievwright arrested William Allen, overseer on HB Bowerman's Mount Mitchell pastoral run, and two convict shepherds, Abraham Braybrook and John Davis, at the nearby Learmonth brothers' station at Burrumbeet, for killing and then burning six to eight Aborigines and taking 'every pain to obliterate all traces of the bodies' (Clark, 1995, p 92). According to Clark (1995, p 92), G.A. Robinson said that the site was at the junction of two creeks 12 kilometres from Bowerman's outstation, and that Sievwright 'found a small piece [of] cranium under a piece of log' and that several huts in the district, including that occupied by William Allen, 'had Aboriginal skulls placed over their doors' (Clark, 1995, pp 92-3). 'John Davis and Abraham Braybrook were committed for trial for the killings. However, owing to the lack of corroborating evidence from white men, the attorney general [J.H. Plunkett], refused to prosecute the two men for anything other than the misdemeanour of burning the bodies' and even of that, the men were subsequently acquitted (Robinson Papers cited in Clark 1995, p. 93). According to Chief Protector GA Robinson, the two men 'were not wholly cleared of guilt and the public prosecutor recommended that they be turned to the public works'. However, they were returned to Burrumbeet station where Robinson saw Braybrook on 27 February 1840 (Robinson cited in Clark 1998a, p. 180). The Rev. Joseph Orton presented the following summary of Sievwright's report (dated 17 April 1839) 'Allen, the overseer to Bowerman, had instructed the shepherds at the outstations to inform him immediately any natives made their appearance that he might be prepared for them. On one occasion the natives did come and were quiet and friendly, but the servants having received peremptory orders from Mr Allen to inform him when the natives came, they accordingly did so. Allen immediately ordered his horse to be saddled and rode in search of them and found the natives a few miles from the shepherds' station and warned them not to come near the station' (this incident relates to the massacre of 10-14 Aborigines being killed in July 1838). 'Allen left orders again with the shepherds not to allow the natives near. The men, however, said they were peaceable and they were desirous to keep on good terms with them. A short time after this the blacks came to the shepherds hut and under suspicion that they came to rob the hut an affray commenced and from six to eight Aborigines were shot by the white men. The bodies were burned the next day. It appears in the deposition that a native woman was in the hut with the white men. In answer to a question Allen acknowledged that he had ordered the men to protect themselves. Davies, a prisoner, shot most or all. The above is the substance of the depositions and admissions of the implicated parties which is of course the ex parte statement. Allen was bound to appear when called for in recognisance of 200 pounds. In this case nothing more has been done than taking the depositions of the aggressors and murderers. There being no evidence but their own and that of the Aborigines – in the former case the accused cannot incriminate himself in a court of justice and in the latter Aboriginal evidence is inadmissible. Thus these miscreants elude justice and boast in their foul deeds – which accounts for the apparent frankness of their depositions' (Orton 1840-42, 12 January 1841, cited in Clark, 1995, p 89-90).

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Orton Journal, 1840-42, 12 Jan 1841, cited in Clark 1995, pp 89-90; Cannon and Macfarlane 1983, pp 642-643; Clark ID 1995, pp 89-90; 92-93; Clark, 1998, p 192 (Robinson Journals). Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=512

Language Group, Nation or People: Tati tati | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

On 24 April 1839, the 'Southern Australian' reported on page 3, 'We have the pleasure in announcing the safe arrival in the province of Messrs McLeod and McPherson, from New South Wales, with 500 head of cattle and one thousand sheep. We understand that they only lost four sheep and two head of cattle during their journey. It is reported, that they had a recounter [sic] with the aborigines on the way, and that forty natives were killed.' Three days later, the 'South Australian Gazette and Colonial Register' published the following: 'There is no truth in the story published in the 'Southern Australian' that Messrs McLeod and McPherson had a rencontre with the natives in which forty of the latter were shot.' ('South Australian Gazette and Colonial Register', April 27, 1839, p.2).

Despite the denial, it appears that a massacre took place at Junction Island, where the Darling River flows into the Murray River.

Victims Killed: 40 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Southern Australian, April 24, 1839, p 3 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article71685226; South Australian Gazette & Colonial Register, April 27, 1839, p 2 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article31750562 Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=580

Language Group, Nation or People: Djadjawurrung | Colony/State/Territory at the time: PPD

Following the killing of hutkeeper James Neill and shepherd Hugh Bryan, by Aboriginal warriors and their taking about 700 sheep from Capt Charles Hutton's outstation near present day Barnadown on the Campaspe River on 22 May 1839, Hutton and three men set off in pursuit. He is alleged to have retrieved the sheep 48kms away. According to EO Randell, historian of the Campaspe Plains pastoral stations, upon his return, Hutton called on magistrate William Yaldwyn at nearby Barfold Station where a detachment of infantry was camped and asked for protection. Yaldwyn refused saying that Assistant Protector Edward Parker was in the district and it was his duty to address the issue and that foot soldiers would be of little help. Another settler Thomas Thornloe reported the details to GB Smyth Officer in Charge of the Mounted Police in Melbourne and advised that a punitive expedition should be sent against the Aborigines to 'teach them a lesson' (Randell 1982, p 289). 'According to the official version of events, a party of mounted police, led by Sgt Dennis Leary, under orders from Smyth' [and accompanied by Hutton and his overseer James Cosgrove], after four days ride, 'encountered a group of Aboriginal people about 112 kilometers from the place where Hutton's servants were killed. A pitched battle is alleged to have ensued and at least six Aborigines were killed.' The location is present day Restdown Plains station. (Cannon & MacFarlane, 1983, p 668). According to Assistant Protector E.S. Parker 'nearly 40 Aboriginal people were shot; the entire group except one woman and a child.' (Clark, 1995, p 94; Cannon & McFarlane 1983, p 668). Parker continued, 'On a review of the whole affair, I can hold but one opinion - that it was a deliberately planned, illegal reprisal on the aborigines, on principles advocated by many persons in this Colony - that when an offense is committed by unknown individuals, the tribe to which they belong should be made to suffer for it.' (Randall 1982, p 295)

Victims Killed: 40 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Randell 1982, pp 288-99; Cannon & MacFarlane 1983, pp 668-674; Clark 1995, p 94. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=508

Language Group, Nation or People: Wiradjuri | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

According to the reminiscences of Overlander James R. Byrne, in August, 1839, his party shot three Wiradjuri warriors after one stockman was badly wounded on the northern side of the Murrumbidgee River. Byrne and his party decided 'to intercept the aborigines and cut them off from the river.' After the first attempt failed, a second attempt was more successful. Five stockmen drove the Wiradjuri towards the river and another six stockmen lying in ambush, 'fired as the natives appeared and then rode down upon them with cutlasses' (Byrne 1848, 2, p 231). After they killed nine Wiradjuri warriors, 'they allowed the rest to escape across the river' (Byrne 1848, vol 2, p 255).

Victims Killed: 9 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Byrne 1848, vol 2, pp 230-2. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=1072

Language Group, Nation or People: Marrawarra, Ngintait | Colony/State/Territory at the time: SA

Overlanding groups passing through this region in 1839, such as Lachlan Mackinnon’s party and John Finnis’s, as well as George McLeod and Robert Flood taking bringing provisions from Adelaide were attacked by Aboriginal people (Burke et al, p 154). In 1841 O'Halloran recorded in his diary, described:

'a spot where several parties have been attacked (Mr Eyre,52 Tooth & others) and

where a European was killed by the natives and lies buried between 2 trees with

an F upon one, this man belonged to Mr McKinnon's party – I shall therefore

distinguish our present encampment as the "Dead Man's flat" ... From what I can

gather from some of the men who came overland – several natives have been killed

upon different occasions – I understand the latter nearly took the life of Mr Tooth

and Eyre was turned back and obliged to get further strength ere he could pass.'

(O’Halloran cited in Burke et al, p 154)

While details on the killing in this region in 1839 are unclear, Burke et al distinguish Dead Man's Flat from the location of other killings in 1839 at Langhorne's Ferry at Rufus River (pp 154-161).

Victims Killed: 8 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Burke et al, 2016, pp 154 https://press-files.anu.edu.au/downloads/press/n2179/pdf/article06.pdf Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=692

Language Group, Nation or People: Djargurd Wurrung or Keeray- Woorroong or Wirngilgnad dhalinanong | Colony/State/Territory at the time: PPD

This massacre was organised in retaliation for the killing of some sheep by two Aborigines on what is now Glenormiston station, near Lake Terang, managed by Frederick Taylor. Ian D. Clark has written about this incident at great length: 'Having heard of the encampment' of between 45 and 52 Aboriginal men, women and children from three different clans in the gully on Mt Emu Creek, Frederick 'Taylor and two associates, James Hamilton and Broomfield, headed a party of shepherds with the intention of attacking them... As they approached the gully on horseback, the party formed an extended line with Taylor in the centre. They found the Aboriginal people asleep [suggesting that this was a dawn raid] and advanced shouting and immediately fired upon them, killing the whole group except 12 people. They afterwards threw the bodies in a neighbouring waterhole. One of the survivors was Woreguimoni, a Gulidjan, who had hidden in the long grass.' Another survivor, Karn (also known as 'Mr Anderson'), 'returned after [the killers] had left the scene and began to remove the bodies from the waterhole, placing them on the ground four deep, head by head. In the course of this, he was discovered by some of the Europeans, who took him and his wife and child... to Taylor's home station, where he and his family were given provisions so that they would stay nearby, and away from the waterhole.' They then sent a cart to the waterhole 'and the bodies [were] brought up to the home station, where they were conveyed to some other waterholes and thrown in... Two further survivors of the massacre, Bareetch Cuurneen - alias Queen Fanny, the "chiefess" of the clan - and a child, were pursued to Wuurna Weewheetch... a point of land on the west side of Lake Bullen Merri. With the child on her back she swam across to a spot called Karm karm, below present day Wuurong homestead, and escaped.' (Clark ID 1995, pp 105-118)

According to Clark, in another account of this massacre, another survivor, Wangegamon, a Djargurd wurrung man, saw his wife and child killed. 'After the bodies were thrown in the creek, the water was stained with blood. Grieving, he remained near the gully for two days... two days after the massacre two men named Anderson and Watson... asked Taylor why he had killed so many women and children. Anderson [Karn], Charles Courtney, James Ranslie and James Hamilton subsequently made some fires and burned the bodies. Two days after the cremation, Taylor, Watson and Karn returned with a sack and removed all the bones that had not been consumed by the fires' (Clark, 1995, pp 107-108).

Taylor disappeared after this incident and apparently went to India but later returned to manage a station in Gippsland. He was replaced by a man named Symonds who took Assistant Protector Charles Sievwright to the scene of the crime in January 1840. Sievwright also interviewed one of the Aboriginal survivors, Tainneague, and decided that between 20 and 30 Aboriginal people had been killed in this incident while Edward Williamson, overseer at the Buntingdale mission, believed that the number was 35. GA Robinson was convinced that an entire tribe had been eradicated. Squatter Niel Black bought this run in late 1840 because it was already "cleared out" (see Kiddle, 1961, p 122). Some of the Aboriginal survivors sought sanctuary at the Wesleyan Mission at Buntingdale and it is largely through the efforts of missionaries like the Reverend Benjamin Hurst and Francis Tuckfield, as well as Assistant Protector Charles Sievwright and Chief Protector GA Robinson, that so much is known about this massacre. The next owner of Glenormiston station, Niel Black, mentioned the massacre in a letter to TS Gladstone, September 9, 1840. Mary Shaw wrote about the massacre in her book 'Mt Emu Creek' (Shaw, 1969, p 27; Clark, 1995, pp 105-118).

Victims Killed: 35 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Kiddle 1961, p 122; Shaw 1969, p 27; Clark ID 1995, pp 105-118. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=514

Language Group, Nation or People: Djadjawurrung | Colony/State/Territory at the time: PPD

Aldo Massola refers to this massacre as follows: 'At the end of 1839 Captain Dugald McLachlan settled at Glengower Station,' on Glengower Creek, near Campbelltown, 'and after the usual "introductory period" during which they were employed at the station and given flour and sugar rations, the Aborigines were gradually discouraged from frequenting the run. The culminating point of this policy was when the cook, who was in charge of the rations, either under instructions from his employer or otherwise, distributed to the Aborigines a mixture of flour and Plaster of Paris. Though this was a better mixture than the arsenic given them elsewhere in Victoria, we can imagine the "damper" which resulted.' The Aborigines, 'to whom this act was probably the last of a great many indignities, speared the cook and helped themselves to the quarters of mutton hanging from the rafters.' In retribution, 'McLachlan and his men caught up with the Aborigines at a waterhole on Middle Creek where they were about to feast on the mutton. The Aborigines sought safety by diving into the waterhole and there they were shot, one at a time, as they came up for air. The place is still known as "The Blood-Hole"' (Massola, 1969, p 88).

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Massola, 1969, p 88; Clark, ID 1995, p 97. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=515

Language Group, Nation or People: Marrawarra, Ngintait | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

In a letter dated 12 July 1841, Matthew Moorhouse, Protector of the Aborigines in South Australia, noted several incidents between the Maruara people at Langhorne Creek and unnamed overlanding parties from Sydney to Adelaide. In December 1839, 'the drays of a cattle party were attempted to be taken at [Langhorne Creek] by a group of Natives. Ten men on horseback all supplied with firearms were on the banks of the River at the time, and repelled the Natives at once by firing upon them. The Natives retreated as soon as they saw one of two of their tribe shot, but were followed for about 15 miles by those on horseback and firing kept up the whole time' (Moorhouse, cited in Burke et al, 2016, p 158).

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Moorhouse to Mundy, 12 July 1841, cited in Burke et al, 2016, p 158 https://press-files.anu.edu.au/downloads/press/n2179/pdf/article06.pdf. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=693

Language Group, Nation or People: unknown | Colony/State/Territory at the time: PPD

This incident was a massacre of Aboriginal people carried out by another Aboriginal group armed with muskets. The account was provided by J.M. Clow in 'Letters from Victorian Pioneers', 'After four days' march through the barren mountains which separate Western Port district from Gippsland, then on the fifth day sighted the smoke of some fires on the skirts of the beautiful pastoral district there. On the following day, about mid-day, they surprised the camp, making prisoners of all in it, which consisted only of some old men and some children. They then went in search of the able-bodied men whom they espied busily fishing on the banks of a large river not far off. They managed to sneak up on them within ten or twenty yards, and then blazed into them, killing and severely wounding every one of them, seven in number. Those who escaped the first volley jumped into the river and swam across, but the second volley brought them all down. After cutting out their kidney fat, they took as much of the carcasses as they could carry on their return route, and having mustered their forces at the camp where they had captured the old men and their children, they dispatched them also, and then commenced their retreat' (Clow cited in Bride, 1983, p 359).

Victims Killed: 20 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People). Sources: Bride, [1898] 1983, p 359; Gunson, 1968, p 8. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=560

Language Group, Nation or People: Wulluwurrung | Colony/State/Territory at the time: PPD

Following an Aboriginal attack on shepherds and carrying off some sheep at George Winter's station in late 1840, a reprisal party killed at least five Aborigines. On 12 January 1841, the Reverend Joseph Orton made the following entry in his diary: 'The alleged cause of the attack was the aggressions of the natives. The attack of the Europeans was equally atrocious and unjustifiable, the result of which was that according to the depositions at least five natives were killed. This occurrence was on a station of Winter's who appears to have taken active part in the performance' (Orton Papers 1840-1842, 12 January 1841, ML A1715 ).

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Orton 1840-1842; Clark ID 1995, p 25. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=516

Language Group, Nation or People: Wulluwurrung or Nundadjali | Colony/State/Territory at the time: PPD

In a published talk presented in 1964 or 1965 historian E.R. Trangmar distinguished 5 massacres in Western Victoria. One of them is a brief mention of a poisoning with arsenic at Wooton Vale: 'Another case of murder occurred at Wootong Vale. The blacks asked for flour; they were given it but it was poisoned with arsenic. Seventeen died there.' (Trangmar, 1964, p 5) Though he doesn't cite the specific source for his statements, his list of sources for the presentation includes 8 published books, 5 diaries, and local residents descended from early colonists (Trangmar, 1964, p 1). He provides no date, so the year 1840 is estimated from it's being mentioned along with, and being close to, other massacres that occurred in 1840.

Victims Killed: 17 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Trangmar, 1964, p 1, 5. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=1103

Language Group, Nation or People: Nundadjali | Colony/State/Territory at the time: PPD

According to Jan Critchett (1990, p 127) and Ian Clark (1995, p 145), in February 1840, the five Whyte brothers occupied Koonongwootong station on Koroit Creek, 6.5 kilometres north of present day Coleraine. On 8 March they gathered a party of nine men armed with double-barrelled guns, comprising the five Whyte brothers on horseback and four convict shepherds on foot, including Daniel Turner, William Gillespie and Benjamin Turner, and 'hunted down' the Aborigines in the area, killing at least 40 of them on the grounds that some 'had made off with 127 sheep'. According to Clark (1995, p 145) 'The massacre took place at the Hummocks,…a unique rocky outcrop dissected by a narrow gorge of the Wando River and became known as Fighting Hills'.

Assistant Protector Sievwright was 9.5 kilometres from the scene and quickly heard about the massacre from Aboriginal survivors who told him that 41 of their clan had been killed (Orton Papers, 12 January 1841). According to Clark, realising that the massacre could not be covered up, John Whyte, the youngest of the five brothers, decided to ride to Melbourne and make a personal report to Superintendent La Trobe (Clark, 1995, pp 145, 147). En route, on 23 March, he called in at Glenormiston Station near Terang and told squatter Niel Black his version of the events. According to Black, Whyte said that 25 Aborigines had been killed (Journal of Niel Black 1840 in Clark 1995, pp147-148).

In April 1840, 'the sole Aboriginal survivor of the massacre, Long Yarra or "Lanky Bill", was killed by George MacNamara, one of Francis Henty's hut keepers at Merino Downs' (Clark, 1995, p 146).

When Sievwright, arrived at the Whytes' station in May 1840 to take depositions from the attackers, according to missionary Joseph Orton, he was surprised to find that the Whyte brothers and their shepherds freely admitted what had happened and that there was little variation in their accounts of the slaughter, except in their estimates of the number killed – between 30 and 80 (Orton Papers 12 January 1841, ML A 1715).

In June 1841, the Reverend Joseph Orton examined the depositions of the Whyte brothers and summarised the course of events. He said that the men stayed up late the night before, preparing cartridges for their double-barrelled guns and ' [e]arly the next morning they followed the tracks of the sheep to some low hills covered with tea-tree about ten kilometres away. They tied up their horses, and crept slowly into the trees. Hearing Aboriginal voices, they crawled up to the edge of the clearing on the edge of the creek, where a meal of mutton was being prepared by a large group of [Bungandtji speakers]. As the white men moved to surround the camp, they were spotted. The women and children fled as the men rushed to grab their weapons. A spear was thrown and the men started firing. Daniel Turner was speared through the thigh, and one of the Whytes received an accidental gun-shot wound on the cheek, prompting the other gunmen to become "savage to desperation"'. According to the Whyte brothers' statements, the [Bunganditji ] tried valiantly to withstand the onslaught, one of them being shot nine times before he finally fell. Dozens more spears were thrown in what the Whyte brothers later described as lasting more than an hour, but none hit their targets' (Reverend Joseph Orton, 12 January 1841, ML A1715).

In Melbourne, the Crown Prosecutor, James Croke, after examining the depositions of Daniel Turner, William Gillespie and Benjamin Wardle, considered that the Aborigines appeared to have been the aggressors in originally stealing the sheep and that William Whyte had killed two Aborigines only after a spear was thrown at him and John Whyte 'stated that no less than 200 spears were thrown and not less than 30 Aborigines were killed' (Whyte cited in Clark 1995, p. 149). Croke concluded that he could not accept the perpetrators' depositions on the grounds that they were self-incriminating and that in the absence of independent witnesses, he could not charge the men with anything (Croke cited in Clark 1995, p 149).

In 1853, squatter George Robertson, who moved into the area three days after the massacre, stated that 51 Aborigines were killed. 'They watched an opportunity, and cut off 50 sheep from Whyte Brothers' flocks, which were soon missed, and the natives followed; they had taken shelter in an open plain with a long clump of tea-tree, which the Whyte Brothers' party, seven in number, surrounded, and shot them all but one. Fifty one men were killed, and the bones of the men and sheep lay mingled together bleaching in the sun at the Fighting Hills.' (Robertson to La Trobe, 26 September 1853 in Bride, 1893, pp 30 - 31)

Victims Killed: 41 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Orton Papers 1840-1842, ML A1715; Robertson to La Trobe 26 Sept 1853, in Bride, 1998, pp 30 - 31 https://archive.org/details/lettersfromvicto00publiala/page/30/mode/2up; Critchett 1990, p 127; Clark ID 1995, pp 145-151. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=517

Language Group, Nation or People: Wulluwurrung or Nundadjali | Colony/State/Territory at the time: PPD

As reported in Clark (1995, 152), after the massacre at Fighting Hills on 8 March 1840, the Aborigines returned to the Whyte Brothers' Konongwootong station a month later, and stole 'a number of sheep'. After unsuccessfully searching for a trail, 'to teach the Aborigines a lesson', the Whyte brothers and their stockmen separated…The Whytes rode to the nearest station to 'drown their disappointment' and the station hands, including Henry Skilton, William Fox, and two others, Henry and Bassett, 'returned to the home station. En route they passed the waterholes at which were camped some old men, women and children. They shot the entire camp' (Clark 1995, p 153).

William Moodie settled in the region in 1853, not long after the massacre, and wrote in his memoirs,

'So far I have said very little about the blacks at Wando Vale. A few years before we went there they had received severe punishment and so had deserted that part of the country for a time. Reprisals were made after depredations committed at Konong Wootong and were carried out by a party organised by the Whyte brothers, first at the Fighting Waterholes and then by following the poor frightened creatures to the big ti-scrub in the Wando just below the station. A blackfellow told me about it years afterwards in his own way, "Blackfellow all runem along a scrub in creek, lubra look up

scrub, white fellow shoot her down. Two hundred fine fat lubra shot". The number may not be reliable, as

Jimmy when telling me, only held up his hands two or three times. Any way it was a rather inglorious victory for the Whyte brother's valiant army' (Moodie in Palmer, 1873, p 72).

According to local historian ER Trangmar, 'The place where Coleraine's water supply comes from used to be known as the "Fighting Waterholes."

There a pitched battle was to have taken place between the angry mounted stockowners, the station hands, and

the blacks. Naturally the weapons of the whites would take heavy toll, so the blacks quickly dispersed by slipping through the cordon of mounted men. When the whites reached their objective there was not a blackfellow there.

The squatters rode to the nearest homestead and the men told to go

home. The station hands came across camp of the old men, picanninies and

women. They shot the lot. There was a great outcry at the time but no

legal action was taken. The squatters sacked the men.

After the massacre at the "Fighting Waterholes" the survivors asked to be

allowed to leave the district of Konongwootong and Coleraine; the name

of the tribe was Tarer-bur-er and their last chief was named Cart-ware-rer-coot. They went to "Murndal" and

joined the Wanedeets on the Wannon

river; They stayed there until they died out or went to the Condah Mission Station.' (Trangmar, 1956, p 8).

Victims Killed: 20 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Clark 1995, pp 152-155; Palmer, 1973, p 72; Trangmar, 1964, p 5. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=518

Language Group, Nation or People: Dhanggati | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

On 10 June 1840 the Sydney Herald reported that Mr Freer, 'traveling from New England down the bed of the Macleay River with a large flock of sheep, and having one afternoon at a crossing place missed three hundred and seventy of them, he returned to search, accompanied by a stockman and a mounted black. The latter soon discovered that the stock had been driven in the direction of the mountains by' Aboriginal warriors. 'after following the tracks for about eight miles, they came to a precipitous rock, where they turned down a creek, on the sides of which they discovered from two to three hundred' Aboriginal people 'busily engaged in roasting not kangaroos but mutton. The instant they perceived Mr. Freer and his party they took to their spears and boomerangs, retiring to the ranges, but on discovering the weakness of their pursuers, endeavoured to surround them, threatening them and abusing them in tolerable English while daring them to come on. The party being badly armed, Mr Freer prudently retreated, and traveling all night and reached next day a station of a Mr Steele's JP [evidently Towel Creek] where he was furnished with the assistance of three horsemen.' Upon returning to the place he last saw the Aboriginal people, here 'he found the remains of about sixty sheep and three stockyards most ingeniously constructed.' Following their trail, 'Mr Freer and party proceeded about twelve miles up Kundering [Coonderang Creek] Brook,' where they found the Aboriginal people 'had again turned across the Mountains.' Continuing the trail, the party ultimately found the Aboriginal people 'in the act of preparing mutton; on being fired upon they speedily decamped, and the pursuing party were rewarded for their praiseworthy conduct by the satisfaction they felt on recovering two hundred and twenty sheep alive.' (SH, June 10, 1840 p 5) It is stated that the owners of the sheep were Messrs. Betts and Panton, who were at the time occupiers of Long Flat station on the Macleay River. Henderson, 1851, Vol. 2, p 5 states that 'two to three dozen men were slaughtered'.

Victims Killed: 24 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: SH June 10, 1840 - https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/1523969; Henderson 1851, Vol. 2, p, 5; Frost 1992, p 34. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=581

Language Group, Nation or People: Djabwurrung or Gai wurrung | Colony/State/Territory at the time: PPD

According to Ian Clark, 'In either April or May 1840, Mustons station near Mount Rouse, and leased by Peter Aylward and Augustine Barton', was alleged to have been 'attacked' by 300 Aboriginal people who took a number of Aylward's sheep to the other side of the Serra Range. 'In June, Aylward took his revenge in an act of reprisal in which seven Aborigines were killed and many others wounded' (Clark 1995, p. 66). RW Knowles, Robert Martin's overseer at Mount Sturgeon station, was a perpetrator in the massacre as was Robert Tulloh from nearby Bochara Station at the junction of the Wannon River and Grangeburn Creek. On 27 June 1841, Tulloh told Chief Protector GA Robinson that he was one of eight horsemen in the party (Robinson cited in Clark 1998b, p. 284). The group not only included Aylward and Knowles, but also stockman George Robinson.

Historian Jan Critchett (1990) examined the depositions each of the men gave on different days on different properties to produce this account: '[They] came across a large party of Aborigines... Aylward estimated the Aborigines to number nearly 300, Knowles [or Knolles] more than 150, Tulloh about 500... The Europeans, on horseback, fired on them and then retreated... As soon as the three men had reloaded their guns, they charged again with the Aborigines fleeing before them. The "engagement" lasted a quarter of an hour' (p. 124). Aylward reported that 'there must have been a great many wounded, and several killed ... saw two or three dead bodies'. Knowles reported: 'Some of the Natives must have been wounded, but I saw none dead' (Aylward and Knowles cited in Critchett, 1990, pp. 124-5).

Victims Killed: 8 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Clark ID 1995, p 66; Clark ID 1998b, pp 284, 305; Critchett 1990, pp 124-125. See also: Christie, 1979, pp 61-62. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=521

Language Group, Nation or People: Djab wurrung or Gai wurrung | Colony/State/Territory at the time: PPD

On 19 May 1840, overseer Patrick Codd was killed at Mount Rouse Station by five Aborigines of the Kolorer gundidj clan [Djab wurrung or Gai wurrung speakers], allegedly led by Taigara, also known as 'Roger the Russian', in retaliation for the murder of the Aboriginal warrior, Tuurap warneen. Taigara was later convicted and hanged for Codd's murder (Critchett, 1990, p 160) although Superintendent La Trobe was not convinced of his guilt on the grounds that there were no white witnesses at the murder (La Trobe to Gipps, 26 July 1842, cited in Shaw 1989, p 150). Codd was overseer and bookkeeper for the Wedge Brothers at the Grange, Strathkellar, just above present day Hamilton. Five days before his death, Codd had 'gone across' to Mount Rouse station 'to superintend the stock there during the projected absence of the overseer, James M Brock' (Clark, 1995, p 62). Charles Wedge wrote to his father JH Wedge in England about what happened after the Aborigines had killed Codd: 'On the following day or soon after Codd met his death, the squatters in the neighbourhood went in pursuit of the natives; but, owing to the wetness of the season, they did not succeed in revenging themselves so far as they intended; however, I believe three or four suffered.... They [the squatters] are determined (as they pay for protection and receive none) to exterminate this hostile tribe, without such protection is given them as will enable them to live in comparative security' (Charles Wedge to JH Wedge, Enclosure in Russell to Gipps, 20 February 1841, HRA, I, xxi, p 242). On 29 April 1841, GA Robinson was told by Captain Campbell, storekeeper at Port Fairy, 'that in revenge for Codd's death, 20 had been taken' (Robinson's journal 29 April 1841, cited in Clark, 1998b, p 161).

Victims Killed: 20 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Critchett, 1990, p 160; HRA, I, xxi, p 242; Clark 1995, pp 62-63,156; Clark 1998b, pp 160-162; Shaw, 1989, p 150. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=519

Language Group, Nation or People: Milmenrura | Colony/State/Territory at the time: SA

In late July 1840, news reached Adelaide that 26 survivors of the wreck of the Maria, at a reef off the Coorong, had been slaughtered by the Milmenrura people (SA Register, August 1, 1840, p 2). Sir George Gawler, the governor of South Australia, declared martial law in the Coorong and dispatched a party of mounted police led by police commissioner Thomas O'Halloran to the Coroong and 'enforce summary justice' on the killers (SA Register, August 15, 1840, p 2).

Two Milmenrura men, 'chosen on hearsay, were hung in the sight of the captive members of their clan' (Foster et al, 2001, p 15). However, in the aftermath of the hanging, it is alleged that the police killed a large group of Milmenrua (Hamann, 1973). Twenty-six colonists killed in one operation remains the largest massacre of colonists by Aboriginal people in Australia.

Victims Killed: 26 (Colonists); Attackers Killed: 0 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People). Sources: SA Register, August 1, 1840 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article27441699; August 15, 1840 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article27441755; September 12, 1840 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article27441838, September 19, 1840 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article27441856; News (Adelaide), February 21, 1942, p 5 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article131950481; SACWM,July 28, 1877, p 17 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article90942607; The Australasian, December 15, 1883, p 21 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article138647904; South Eastern Times, (Millicent, SA), June 15, 1945 p 1 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article200107455; Clyne, 1981; Hamann, 1973; Foster and Nettelbeck, 2001, pp 13-28; Hetherington, R 'George Gawler (1795-1869)' in ADB, Vol 1, 1966 https://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/gawler-george-2085; Ross, DB 'Thomas Shuldham O'Halloran (1797-1870)' in ADB, Vol 2, 1967 https://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/ohalloran-thomas-shuldham-2523. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=689

Language Group, Nation or People: Djabwurrung | Colony/State/Territory at the time: PPD

Following an earlier massacre in the Grampians (see the 'Grampians' massacre), on 28 August 1840 'the Aborigines drove off nearly 1,300 of Wedge's sheep in the care of Colin Isaacs' (Clark, 1995, p 157). A 'hunting party', comprising Charles and Henry Wedge, Joseph Read, Thomas Grant, William Marsh, John Cox and R.W. Knowles, recovered the sheep in the present day Victoria Valley and then killed 13 Aborigines (Orton Papers 12 January 1841, Orton Papers 1840-1842, ML A1715). When Assistant Protector Charles Sievwright took depositions from the killers and presented them to James Croke, the Crown Prosecutor, Croke 'formed the opinion that the Aborigines had perpetrated the "outrages" and ought to be punished. He considered the killings were in self-defence.' (Croke cited in Clark, 1995, p 157).

In a letter to Governor Latrobe, Charles Wedge wrote,

"I, with my brothers, removed our stock to the country at the foot of the Grampians, now known as the Grange, on the creeks forming the river Wannon in the Australia Felix of Major Sir Thomas Mitchell... Up to this time we had but little trouble with the aborigines, but they now began to attack our shepherds, whom they drove from their flocks, which they took into the mountains known as the Victoria Range, where they disposed of many hundreds of them by killing, maiming by breaking three of their legs, and otherwise mutilating them in a cruel manner to prevent their escape, and resisting (their numbers giving them confidence) recovery. At this time they also killed a valuable horse and cow belonging to me, and drove away the whole of my milking cattle and working bullocks, some of which returned with spears in them ; and these depredations did not cease till many lives were sacrificed, and, I may say, many thousands of sheep destroyed." (Bride, 1899, p 163)

Victims Killed: 13 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Bride, 1899, p 163 https://ia601608.us.archive.org/6/items/lettersfromvicto00publiala/lettersfromvicto00publiala.pdf; Clark ID, 1995, pp 156-158 http://nationalunitygovernment.org/pdf/2014/IanDClark-Scars_in_the_landscape.pdf.pdf ; Orton, 12 January 1841; 1840-1842. See also: Shaw, 1996, p 130; HRA Series I vol 21, p242 https://opal.latrobe.edu.au/articles/book/Historical_records_of_Australia_Series_I_Governors_despatches_to_and_from_England_Volume_XXI_October_1840-March_1842_edited_by_Frederick_Watson_/22300288. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=522

Language Group, Nation or People: Djabwurrung | Colony/State/Territory at the time: PPD

'On 12 August 1840, a further ten Aborigines were shot by Wedge and his brothers near the Grampians.' (Reece 1974, p 22, cited in Clark, p 157). In a list of killings of Aboriginal people, in the entry for 'Collisions with Messrs. Wedge' which records 10 deaths, Reece notes 'Depends partly on statements of Aborigines' (p222, Reece, 1974). This is a copy of 'Return of Aboriginal Natives killed by the Whites in the District of Port Phillip, distinguishing the numbers East and West of the River Hopkins' (V&P, 1844, 718).

In a letter to Governor Latrobe, Charles Wedge wrote,

"I, with my brothers, removed our stock to the country at the foot of the Grampians, now known as the Grange, on the creeks forming the river Wannon in the Australia Felix of Major Sir Thomas Mitchell... Up to this time we had but little trouble with the aborigines, but they now began to attack our shepherds, whom they drove from their flocks, which they took into the mountains known as the Victoria Range, where they disposed of many hundreds of them by killing, maiming by breaking three of their legs, and otherwise mutilating them in a cruel manner to prevent their escape, and resisting (their numbers giving them confidence) recovery. At this time they also killed a valuable horse and cow belonging to me, and drove away the whole of my milking cattle and working bullocks, some of which returned with spears in them ; and these depredations did not cease till many lives were sacrificed, and, I may say, many thousands of sheep destroyed." (Bride, 1899, p 163)

See also the 'Victoria Valley' massacre.

Victims Killed: 10 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Bride, 1899, p 163 https://ia601608.us.archive.org/6/items/lettersfromvicto00publiala/lettersfromvicto00publiala.pdf; Clark ID, 1995, pp 156-158 http://nationalunitygovernment.org/pdf/2014/IanDClark-Scars_in_the_landscape.pdf.pdf; Reece, 1974; V&P, 1844, 718. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=1096

Language Group, Nation or People: Gunnai or Tatungalung or Braiakaulung | Colony/State/Territory at the time: PPD

In October 1840, according to Pepper and de Araugo, 1985, p 18, squatter Angus McMillan 'brought down cattle from Numblamungie to the stock run at Nuntin' in Gippsland. 'He left his men in charge there and on his return some weeks later they told him that the Kurnai had scattered the stock and attacked them. McMillan gathered his stockmen together, and massacred any Kurnai' [possibly Gunnai or Tatungalung or Braiakaulung speakers] at Boney Point on the confluence of the Avon and Perry Rivers. When GA Robinson traveled through this area on 2 June 1844, he saw an Aboriginal cranium on the shore of Lake Wellington just below the entry of the Avon River into the lake (Robinson in Clark, 1998d, p 89). In a letter to Lieutenant-Governor La Trobe on August 25, 1853, McMillan acknowledged that two attacks by Aboriginal warriors on his stockmen had taken place in October and November 1840 but did not reveal the aftermath (Sayers, 1983, p 218). In 2001 historian PD Gardner considered that at least 15-20 Aborigines were killed in a massacre in reprisal for the Aboriginal killing of two stockmen (Gardner, 2001, pp 44-49).

Victims Killed: 15 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Pepper and de Araugo, 1985, p 18; Sayers, 1983, p 218; Gardner, 2001, pp 44-49. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=523

Language Group, Nation or People: Nundadjali or Wulluwwurrung | Colony/State/Territory at the time: PPD

In November 1840, squatter Augustine Barton reported to Superintendent La Trobe that earlier that month, Thomas Connell, a hut keeper at the Henty Brothers' station at the junction of the Wannon and Glenelg Rivers, had fed damper laced with arsenic to 15 or 17 Bunganditj [Nundadjali or Wulluwwurrung] Aborigines, and that many of them had died. Barton said that the Aborigines had told him that 'Connell had divided the damper among the Aborigines who were visiting the station and that soon afterwards, the blacks were seized with violent pains in the stomach accompanied by retching' before they died (Enclosure in La Trobe to Robinson 27 November 1840, GA Robinson Papers, Vol. 54). When news of the poisoning reached La Trobe in Melbourne, the Hentys sent Connell to Van Diemen's Land (Tasmania). On 3 June 1841, Chief Protector GA Robinson called in at nearby Tahara station and the lessee, George Winter, gave him the names of seven Aboriginal people said to have died from poison administered by one of Henty's employees (Robinson cited in Clark, 1998b, p 250).

In 1960, ER Trangmar, in his book, The Aborigines of Far Western Victoria, constructed a detailed account of the incident: 'A man named Connell, an outside overseer, was employed by the Henty brothers. He had a hut on the hill above the ford named after him. He got his rations delivered by dray once a month from the homestead. The blacks used to wait until he was out on the run and then rob his hut, particularly stealing his flour, which they learned how to use. Connell got very annoyed with the constant raiding so he mixed arsenic with half the flour and hid the other half. When he came home in the evening he found the poisoned flour had gone and blacks were dead by the dozen. They had mixed the flour on pieces of bark and partly cooked it in little cakes on the coals and had ravenously eaten it. A raging thirst was created, the natives went to the river to drink and tumbled head first into the stream, they were thus drowned as well as poisoned. It is stated that no graves were made, the bodies were put into the river. Connell hurriedly left the district and was never heard of again in these parts' (p 5).

Victims Killed: 15 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: G A Robinson Papers, Vol. 54 ML A7052; Trangmar, 1964, p 5; Clark, 1998b, pp 249-250. See also: Shaw, 1996, pp 130-131; Clark 1995, pp 28-29 and 33. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=524

Language Group, Nation or People: Pirtpirtwurrung | Colony/State/Territory at the time: PPD

In July 1841, Chief Protector GA Robinson, on a tour of the Western District, heard that in November 1840, the hutkeeper employed by Horatio Spencer Wills, lessee of Lexington, La Rose and Moekpilly Stations, was killed by three Aboriginal men in revenge for killing a Wurrung or Jardwadjali [Pirtpirtwurrung speakers?] Aboriginal man and an Aboriginal woman. Wills, William Kirk, lessee at Burrumbeep station, and the overseer, Andrew Rutter, then attacked the Aboriginal camp and 'shot two women who had infants... the latter were left without milk' (Robinson, 29 July, 1841, cited in Clark, 1998b, p 336). At about the same time, Wills, AT Thompson, Capt. RH Bunbury and Capt. R Briggs, the lessees of other nearby stations, shot another three Aboriginal men and two women. Another report by Assistant Protector ES Parker suggests that a further three Aboriginal men were also shot by three other employees at Kirk's station. In all ten Aboriginal people were killed by squatters in this region at this time. It is possible that all three incidents were part of the same killing spree to disperse Aboriginal people from the station (Clark, 1995, pp 73, 77).

Victims Killed: 7 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Clark ID, 1995, pp 73 and 77; Clark ID, 1998b, pp 335-336. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=525

Language Group, Nation or People: Bundjalung | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

According to Eve Kean, the author of the history of Kyogle, in 1841, P.C.Pagan, leaseholder of East Tabulam station was speared and killed by a Bundjalung warrior for having fired his gun into the Bundjalung camp for their having stolen a blanket. 'In reprisal, a posse of armed stockmen and border police, massacred the entire camp.' (Keane 1957, p.12). The camp was located on the Clarence River, at what is now Pagan's Flat.

Victims Killed: 20 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Keane (1957), p.12. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=1089

Language Group, Nation or People: Pooncarie/Parkantyi | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

After two stockmen abducted Aboriginal women for sex, they were killed by Aboriginal men who mutilated their bodies and set fire to their hut. They then speared several cattle and roasted one of them. The smoke attracted other stockmen who charged and drove the Aboriginal people towards their camp on the Barwon River and shot 30 men, women and children. 'skulls showing the ball marks were visible for years after in the area' (Dargin, 1976, pp 51-2).

Victims Killed: 30 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Dargin 1976, pp 51-2; Thomas 2012, pp 382-6. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=633

Language Group, Nation or People: Gumbaynggirr | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

On July 19, 1841, the Sydney Herald reported that Crown Lands Commissioner Oakes and a party of border police had pursued and slaughtered a number of Gumbaynggirr people after attacking and robbing a hut at the newly established Glenreagh [Glenugie] Station north west of present day Coffs Harbour. In 1886, Grafton historian Thomas Bawden, said that in 1841 the Gumbaynggirr had 'overpowered a negro while [he] was in charge of a hut' (C&RE&NEA, July 10, 1886, p 3). In reprisal, Crown Lands Commissioner Henry Oakes led a party of mounted border police from Port Macquarie to find the offenders. They 'overtook the blacks at Corindi, where they paid full retribution for their deed.'(C&RE&NEA, July, 10, 1886, p3) 'The massacre began when mounted police entered the camp at Blackadder Creek and started shooting. They then pursued the survivors to the Corindi River where they continued shooting. Some people were then driven off the headland' at present day Red Rock. It is not known the number of Gumbaynggirr people killed. However the number must have been more than six because according to Somerville & Perkins 2010, 24-32, Gumbaynggirr people today recall the massacre from accounts told to them by their grandparents.

Victims Killed: 10 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Sydney Herald, July 19, 1841, p 2 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article12870072; 'The Bawden Lectures' in the Clarence and Richmond Examiner and New England Advertiser (Grafton), July 10, 1886, p 3 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article62098600; Somerville & Perkins 2010, p 24-31. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=1004

Language Group, Nation or People: Tatungalung | Colony/State/Territory at the time: PPD

According to Gippsland historian Peter Gardner, after 'the Kurnai speared cattle on the Avon River,' in 1841, a reprisal party of 12 armed settlers pursued them on horseback and after 'crossing the Mitchell, Nicholson and Tambo Rivers,' eventually trapped them at Butchers Creek, a small inlet of Lake Victoria just to the east of Metung, where they were slaughtered. The details of the massacre were later provided by Colin McLaren, one of the killers. The other killers 'were Angus McMillan, Dr Arbuckle, Tom Macalister, Colin Macalister, McDonald, Bath, Conners, Lawrence, Gilbert and at least two Omeo Aborigines.' According to Gardner, 'This list is by no means exhaustive, it being possible that Ronald Macalister was also an early participant' (Gardner, 2001, pp 49-52).

Victims Killed: 30 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Gardner, 2001, pp 49-52; Gardner, 2010, pp 3 and 9 https://petergardner.info/wp-content/uploads/2013/03/A-Grampians-Massacre.pdf. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=526

Language Group, Nation or People: Worimi | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

In 1841, two stockmen employed by settler Timothy Nowlan of 'Walleroba' station on the Williams River, were killed by Worimi warriors. In reprisal, a detachment of mounted police proceeded to pursue the culprits. They came up with a group of Worimi at Black Camp Creek and in the encounter killed all but one of the group and according to local historian RL Ford (1995, p 128), Mundiva (Mundiba) was the sole survivor. According to Clarke and Irwin, the biographers of the Gorton brothers who lived nearby, Nolan was also speared (Clarke and Irwin 1977, p.15). Irwin said that her uncle EDF Gorton was shown the massacre site by his father and grandfather, that the reprisal massacre took place in the evening and that as a lad, the grandfather 'chopped musket balls from the trees, in which it is said that the fearful Aborigines had attempted to find a refuge' (Clarke and Irwin 1977, p.16).

Victims Killed: 20 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Ford 1995, p 128; Clarke and Irwin 1975, pp15-16. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=643

Language Group, Nation or People: Wardandi Noongar | Colony/State/Territory at the time: WA

The events leading to the massacre(s) began early in February, 1841. Some Noongars were employed in threshing wheat on the farm of Molloy's neighbour John Layman, and some Noongar women were employed in the house. A dispute arose over payment (in damper) and Noongar man Gayware approached Layman. Layman grabbed Gayware by the beard and shook him, Gayware speared him and Layman struggled inside and died. On 6 February 1841 Magistrate John Molloy and John Bussell raised a party of settlers and workers and 'soldiers', which pursued and surrounded the Noongars, killing seven, and then subsequently pursued a larger body of Noongar north towards Bunbury where many more were killed around 'Lake Mininup' ( Perth Gazette, March 13 , 1841, p 3). (Wonnerup, Layman's property, is a few kilometres north of present-day Busselton and Minninup another 15 km or so up the coast.) In 1897 the historian Warren Bert Kimberly wrote up this event as a massacre which took place at Lake Minninup near Wonnerup as 'one of the most bloodthirsty deeds ever committed by Englishmen'...'Although several natives were killed the settlers and soldiers were not satisfied. They redoubled their energy, determined to wreak vengeance on the main body. They rode from district to district, from hill to hill, and searched the bush and thickets. At last they traced the terrified fugitives to Lake Mininup. Here and there a native was killed, and the others seeing that their hiding place was discovered fled before the determined force. They rushed to a sand patch beyond Lake Mininup. Colonel Molloy observed a boy forsaken by his parents. He rode up to him, and to save him took him on his saddle. The lad, whose name was Burnin, survived, and lived in the district until a short time ago. The soldiers and settlers pushed on, and surrounded the black men on the sand patch. There was now no escape for the fugitives, and their vacuous cries of terror mingled with the reports of the white men's guns. Native after native was shot, and the survivors, knowing that orders had been given not to shoot the women, crouched on their knees, covered their bodies with their bokas, and cried, "Me yokah" (woman). The white men had no mercy. The black men were killed by dozens, and their corpses lined the route of march of the avengers. Then the latter went back satisfied' (Kimberly 1897, p 116).

Victims Killed: 7 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Perth Gazette, March 13, 1841, p 3 https://trove<.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/642768; Kimberly 1897, p 116; White, 2017, https://openjournals.library.sydney.edu.au/index.php/JASAL/article/view/12148/11483 pp 2-13. See Also: Carmody, 2021 https://www.abc.net.au/news/2021-09-17/wonnerup-minninup-massacre-the-ghosts-are-not-silent/100458938 Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=889

Language Group, Nation or People: Bundjalung | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

According to historian David Kent, in April 1841, in reprisal for alleged stock theft from Ramornie station on the Clarence River by Bundjalung warriors, CLC Oakes of Clarence PD swore in stockmen as special constables to surround a Bundjalung camp at night and at daybreak charged and killed indiscriminately Bundjalung men, women and children (Kent, 2006, p 36-41). According to Kent a man named Lynch was later charged with the stock theft.

Victims Killed: 20 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Kent, 2006, pp 36-41. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=585

Language Group, Nation or People: Baanbay | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

In the autumn of 1841, three shepherds on Frederick Eldershaw's outstation on the north eastern edge of New England were brutally murdered and 2000 sheep taken by Baanbay warriors (Eldershaw, 1854, p 63). In reprisal Eldershaw organised a 'pursuing party' of ten men (including Eldershaw, three neighbours and six stockmen), 'well mounted and accoutred' and set off with ten days provisions for the south branch of the Clarence River. According to Eldershaw the party was ambushed by fire on at least one occasion, and after several days, they found the Baanbay camp and the sheep towards evening and split their party in two. One group remained hidden near the camp, and the other, with Eldershaw in the lead, moved to a higher ground above the camp of about 200 Baanbay. When they heard a shot fired below, in reprisal for Baanbay warriors killing one of the men, the group above immediately discharged the 'contents of ten barrels' into the camp below. A second volley from below and a third from above 'dealt frightful havoc in their ranks' and 'according to Eldershaw 'some [of the Baanbay] actually dashed themselves in frantic violence to the depths beneath, in utter heedlessness of life' (Eldershaw 1854, p 73). 'Shot after shot, with curses wild and deep the excited fellows launched at their hated foes - their butchered comrades' blood was that night fearfully avenged' (Eldershaw, 1854, p 73).

It is estimated that at least 30 Baanbay people were shot. In his book Eldershaw justified the massacre on the grounds that it instilled in the local Aboriginal people 'a mysterious and superstitious fear of the stupendous power of the white man', caused them to become 'harmless, tractable and subdued' and thus the 'barbarous and inhuman secret murders [of colonists], by poison or by some violent remorseless treachery, of which in preceding times I had so frequently heard and read, were now happily abolished' (Eldershaw 1854, p 74). Eldershaw's account is reproduced in Blomfield 1981, pp 85-91 and Elder 2003, pp 105-117.

Victims Killed: 30 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Eldershaw 1854, pp 63-74; Blomfield 1981, pp 85-91; Elder 2003, pp 105-117. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=582

Language Group, Nation or People: Marrawarra, Ngintait | Colony/State/Territory at the time: SA

According to Burke at al 2016, pp.151-2, 'On 16 April 1841' an 'overlanding part[y]' to Adelaide from Sydney, 'led by Henry Inman and consisting of 11 men and 5,000 sheep, was attacked on the banks of the [Murray] river "at a place 40 miles to the eastward of Lake Bonney". According to Governor Grey in a dispatch to Lord John Russell, the Secretary of state for the Colonies, "[a] body of natives from 300-400 strong ... forcibly took possession of the sheep, drays &c, and dispersed the Europeans, severely wounding two, and nearly killing another ... and this notwithstanding a strenuous resistance was offered, and at least one of the natives killed"

(Grey to Russell, 29 May 1841, cited in Burke at al 2016, p. 152). According to Burke at al, 2016, p.152, in reprisal, 'a group of volunteers, including Henry Field, a member of Inman's original party, James Hawker and Field's brother, Lieutenant William George Field, offered to recover the sheep, setting out on 7 May.' On 13 May, according to Governor Grey, they 'fell in with the same party of natives, between 300 and 400 strong, who attacked them, wounding one of their number, at the same time killing one, and wounding two, of their horses. The Aborigines eventually compelled them to a hasty retreat, although not without suffering a loss from eight to ten men on their own part' (Grey to Russell 29 May 1841, cited in Burke et al 2016, p.152). Burke et al locate these events in 'The vicinity of the Hornet’s Nest' (Burke et al, p 157).

Victims Killed: 8 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Burke et al 2016, pp. 151-2, 157 https://press-files.anu.edu.au/downloads/press/n2179/pdf/article06.pdf Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=529

Language Group, Nation or People: Djabwurrung | Colony/State/Territory at the time: PPD

On July 6, 1841, Chief Protector GA Robinson was informed by Robert W Knowles, the manager of Dr Robert Martin's Mount Sturgeon Station at the Wannon River, of a 'clash' with the Aborigines. 'Knowles said that he lost some cattle a short time since and went after them. He came to a blacks' camp' and although they told him that the bullocks had gone on, 'he nevertheless rode into the camp and they threw spears at him and his stock keeper' (Robinson cited in Clark, 1998b, p 305). Knowles was convinced they had his bullock. Robinson wrote: 'This attacking the camp of the natives under the pretence of looking after stolen property is a system that ought not to be tolerated, it is provoking hostility and would not be allowed in civilised society' (Robinson cited in Clark, 1998b, p 305). The following day, Knowles told Robinson that 'sometime earlier, Superintendent La Trobe had intended to gaol him for 'killing natives' (Knowles cited in Clark 1998b, p 306).

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Clark ID, 1998b, pp 305-306. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=527

Language Group, Nation or People: Knenknenwurrung | Colony/State/Territory at the time: PPD

John Francis, manager of WJT Clarke's run at Woodlands (around present day Crowlands), 'is said to have shot six or seven Aborigines there in June or July 1841; Clarke later wrote that the Aborigines had been "defiant" and had killed numbers of his sheep, "destroying them wantonly and slaughtering them for their support"'. But as historian AGL Shaw points out, 'Francis was a man who often had trouble with Aborigines, and as he was later killed by a white shepherd, it is possible he was hot-tempered and ''defiant" himself.' (Shaw, 1996, p 130) WJT Clarke later said "a number of blacks, I am sorry to say, were shot". (Shaw, 1996, p 134) Critchett lists the names of seven Aborigines who were shot by Francis.

Victims Killed: 7 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Shaw, 1996, pp 130 and 134; Critchett, 1990, p 248. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=528

Language Group, Nation or People: Gumbaynggirr | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

When Major Oakes, Crown Lands Commissioner for the Clarence McLeay Pastoral District, and a party of mounted field police were returning from the Clarence River to Head Quarters at Kempsey in June 1841, they reported that they were attacked by a large group of Aboriginal people (Bundjalung) and, in self-defence, they killed and wounded 20 of them. A Government Inquiry was proposed (Sydney Herald, 19 July, 1841, p 2), but if it was held, there is no extant report.

Victims Killed: 20 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Sydney Herald, July 19, 1841, 2. https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/12870072 Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=950

Language Group, Nation or People: Marrawarra, Ngintait | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

According to a statement made by Mr Robinson, an overland party was travelling from Gundagai to South Australia. Nearing the Rufus River, after gathering stray cattle he ventured ahead of the party to look for a crossing. He encountered about 300 Aboriginal people who moved into a crescent formation. Mr Robinson gathered a party of well armed overlanders.

'On our approach they advanced, and we commenced firing: we discharged about 8 rounds each before the blacks gave the least way. They now began to retreat. We then advanced, and drove them back into the bush. During this affray about 15 were killed and wounded.' (Inquirer, August 24, 1842, p 6) The following day at Rufus River, another massacre occurred in which about 21 or more were killed.

Victims Killed: 7 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Burke et al, 2016, pp145-179 https://press-files.anu.edu.au/downloads/press/n2179/pdf/article06.pdf; Inquirer, August 24, 1842 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/65582199 Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=1095

Language Group, Nation or People: Marrawarra, Ngintait | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

According to a statement made by Mr Robinson, following an encounter the previous day in which 15 Aboriginal people were killed or wounded an overland expedition travelling from Gundagai to South Australia were looking for a place to cross the Rufus River. On the other side they were met by a party that had come out from Adelaide to assist them. Aboriginal scouts sent by Mr Moorhouse warned that a large group were approaching 'full of wrath'. The overland party on the east side of the river drove the large Aboriginal group into the river where '... from 30 to 40 were killed, and as many wounded; and one man, a boy, and two women, taken prisoners.' (Inquirer, August 24, 1842, p 6)

According to Burke et al 2016, p.152, on 27 August 1841, an 'official party, including police, three Aboriginal people' and Aboriginal Protector, Matthew Moorhouse, arrived at Rufus River, with the view of protecting an overlanding party en route to Adelaide, led by William Robinson.' Robinson's party had been attacked 'further east on the previous day. Five Aboriginal men had been killed, and 10 wounded, but there was no loss of European life. In the hours following, Moorhouse and two others encountered a large party of Aboriginal men and women near Lake Victoria, who immediately ran towards them and a second clash ensued, despite Moorhouse's attempts to negotiate through interpreters. In the ensuing gunfire "nearly 30" Aboriginal people were killed (although at the subsequent enquiry Moorhouse acknowledged that he had only seen 21 bodies), "about 10" wounded and four captured.' Robinson was wounded. A subsequent enquiry, concluded that 'the conduct of both European parties was justifiable' (Burke et al 2016, p.153)

Victims Killed: 21 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Burke et al, 2016, pp145-179, https://press-files.anu.edu.au/downloads/press/n2179/pdf/article06.pdf; Inquirer, August 24, 1842 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/65582199 Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=1059

Language Group, Nation or People: Ngiyampaa | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

In October 1841, William Lee's overseer, Andrew Kerr, with a party of stockmen were sent to establish a new station on the Bogan River beyond Mount Harris. One of the requirements of the licence of occupation of Crown lands was to leave water sources for the Ngiyampa people as it was a particularly dry spell. Establishing the new station breached these instructions. The Ngiyampa retaliated by killing Robert Roach, William Moreton and Abraham Fearnham 'and wounded three others' (SMH, August 24, 1842, p 2). A detachment of Mounted Police based at Bathurst led by Corporal Reilly and assisted by squatter Joseph Moulder, William Carr (stockman on squatter William Lee's run at the Bogan River), Andrew Kerr and other stockmen, avenged the death of the three men, killing 12 Ngiyampa and arresting three of the alleged killers, one of whom escaped 'and two were committed to take their trials' [later released] (SMH, August 24, 1842, p 2). CLC William Allman investigated the case and charged the two Ngiyampa men with murder, brought them before the Circuit Court in March 1842, and secured their discharge for lack of evidence. Allman recommended that Lee's pastoral lease be withdrawn and not renewed, and Governor Gipps agreed. Outraged that a settler of Lee's standing should be treated in this way, a group of settlers at Bathurst petitioned Gipps to restore Lee's licence. The matter was raised by James Macarthur in the NSW Legislative Council on 22 August 1842 and in the debate on 23 August, Gipps justified his decision on the grounds that Lee had failed to observe instructions not to squat on the Bogan river and to leave water for the Ngiyampa. The debate was reported in full in the SMH on August 24 1842.

Victims Killed: 12 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: SMH August 24, 1842 - https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/3858885; See also: Mitchell 1848, p 30; Reece 1974, p 51; Muir 2014, p 39. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=587

Language Group, Nation or People: Yugara or Giabal | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

On 1 October 1841 at Grantham on the Darling Downs, a man called Rogers reported a 'standup' battle in which '...two whites were speared and several Aborigines…severely wounded' (Evans, 2007, p 53). Another report by an ex-convict, Brown, however, said the Yugara camp 'was stormed before dawn' by the horsemen and that the firing continued for about half an hour but the number of Yugara [Yuggera] killed is unknown (Evans, 2007, p 53). This 'battle' was in response to the Yugara killing of shepherds at Mocatta's and Somerville's stations and attacks on James Balfour's station at Colinton. The attack was carried out by James 'Cocky' Rogers, superintendent of George Mocatta's station, George Somerville from Tent Hill and their servants, heavily armed with muskets and on horseback (Evans, 2007, p 53).

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Evans, 2007, p 53; A. Hodgson, Report on Aboriginal Outrage, October 27, 1841, SRNSW Col. Sec. 41/9744, CSL micro 12; Moreton Bay Book of Trials, January 13, 1842, OML. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=584

Colony/State/Territory at the time: PPD

Among the earliest colonists in the region, George Faithfull established a run at Oxley Plains, neighbouring his brother, whose overlanding men had been massacred in the Faithfull massacre in 1838. In a letter to Lieutenant Governor La Trobe on 8 September 1853 George Faithful wrote that, 'The country was left to us for some years in consequence of the hostility of the blacks,

which became so unbearable that I could not keep shepherds,

although well armed, without employing a horseman, in addition

to myself, to keep continually perambulating the woods lest the

natives might cut them off' (Bride, 1889, p 151).

George Faithfull went on to describe a massacre that lasted for many hours:

'At last, it so happened that I was the means of putting an end to this warfare. Riding with two of my stockmen one day

quietly along the banks of the river, we passed between the anabranch of the river itself by a narrow neck of land, and, after proceeding about half a mile, we were all at once met by some

hundreds of painted warriors with the most dreadful yells I had

ever heard. Had they sprung from the regions below we could have hardly been more taken by surprise. Our horses bounded

and neighed with fear - old brutes, which in other respects required an immense deal of persuasion in the way of spurs to make

them go along. Our first impulse was to retreat, but we found the narrow way blocked up by natives two and three deep, and we

were at once saluted with a shower of spears. My horse bounded

and fell into an immense hole. A spear just then passed over

the pummel of my saddle. This was the signal for a general

onset. The natives rushed on us like furies, with shouts and savage

yells; it was no time for delay. I ordered my men to take

deliberate aim, and to fire only with certainty of destruction to the individual aimed at. Unfortunately, the first shot from one of my men's carbines did not take effect; in a moment we were

surrounded on all sides by the savages boldly coming up to us. It was my time now to endeavour to repel them. I fired my double barrel right and left, and two of the most forward fell; this stopped the impetuosity of their career. I had time to reload,

and the war thus begun continued from about ten o'clock in the morning until four in the afternoon. We were slow to fire, which

prolonged the battle, and 60 rounds were fired, and I trust and

believe that many of the bravest of the savage warriors bit the

dust' (Bride, 1898, p 152).

According to James Howard, aged 83 in 1883, he was a shepherd on George Faithfull's run at Oxley Plains in 1841 when the 'blacks played sad havoc with Faithfull's cattle and sheep, whereupon the stockmen, shepherds, and hut keepers turned out, mounted and armed, to the number of about 18, fell upon the blacks in camp on the bank of the King above Oxley, and massacred them. About 200 were killed on the spot, and others were pursued miles up the river, until all, with one or two exceptions, were exterminated' (Argus, September 13, 1883, p 9). Howard was at first reluctant to name who was involved, but then confirmed that it was Faithful and said that there were about 200 killed in the initial encounter, and 300 in total, including the pursuit upriver (Argus, September 13, 1883, p 9). The figure of 300 may be an exaggeration, but given this was a sustained massacre which Faithful claimed brought an end to a sustained resistance in this populous area, the death toll was most likely very high.

Victims Killed: 150 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Bride, 1889; Sayers, 1969, p 220-221; Argus, September 13, 1883, p 9 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article11828136 Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=559

Language Group, Nation or People: Tatungalung or Brabralung | Colony/State/Territory at the time: PPD

The massacre was originally reported by Aboriginal Protector GA Robinson in Report of a Journey of Two Thousand Two Hundred Miles to the Tribes of the Coast and Eastern Interior during the Year 1844, George Mackaness published the report in 1941 (Mackaness, 1941, p 13). Ian D. Clark provided more detail of the massacre when he published GA Robinson's Journal, dated 15 June 1844, in 1998 and included the following account, 'Two miles above the crossing place up the stream is the spot where a great slaughter of Gipps Land blacks by the Omeo and Mokeallumbeets and Tinnermittum, their allies, took place: was shown the spot by [the Aboriginal guide]... Charley who was present. Saw the human bones strewed about bleached white.... Charley spoke of it with zest went through the whole scene shewed (sic) the camp of wild blacks upwards of 70 camped beside a fire. Canal of still water in bed of Tanbo (sic) 30 feet wide 500 long. Shew how the black[s] found in line, then gave yell; the point of attack; spoke of it with zest; five young women were spared but I believe killed some time after. All the old women and children were killed' (Clark, 1998d, p 102 ).

Victims Killed: 70 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People). Sources: Mackaness, 1941, p 13; Clark, 1998d, p 102 (Robinson Journal,15 June 1844). Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=546

Language Group, Nation or People: Giggarbarah, Woongunbarah and other groups in transit | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

On 1 February 1842, flour laced with strychnine was given to a large group of Aboriginal people at Kilcoy station by two shepherds, resulting in the deaths of at least sixty of them. The shepherds were employed by Evan MacKenzie, lessee of Kilcoy station (SMH, December 5, 1842, p 2).

According to Lauer, two escaped convicts, Bracewell and Davis, who had been living with Aboriginal people before being captured, reported that about 14 or 15 tribes had met at Booroon in the 'Great Bunya Scrub' to discuss a response to the poisoning and had formed a council of war resolving on vengeance. (Lauer, 1977, p 47)

Victims Killed: 60 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Lang, 1847, p 279; Marr, 2023, pp 121-126; Qld Parlt Legislative Assembly, 1861(a), p 19 - Select Ctee in to the Native Police; Queenslander, May 21, 1892, p 987, http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article19824074; SMH, December 5, 1842 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article12426931, Lauer, 1977 https://espace.library.uq.edu.au/view/UQ:1dac35b Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=586

Language Group, Nation or People: Gai wurrung or Djabwurrung | Colony/State/Territory at the time: PPD

'Caramut Station had been occupied by Thomas Osbrey and Sidney Smith in November 1841' (Clark, 1995, p 35). On the evening of 24 February 1842, settlers Arthur D Boursiquot, and Robert Whitehead and employees John Beswicke, Joseph Betts, Richard Hill and Charles Smith, shot and killed six people from two Aboriginal families asleep 'in a clump of tea-tree beside a small tributary of Mustons Creek.' Two survivors who sought refuge at the Mt Rouse Aboriginal station, 25 kilometres from Osbrey's station reported the horrible event to Assistant Protector Charles Sievewright who immediately rode to Caramut station 'where he found the bodies of three women, (one who was pregnant), and a male child, and a fourth woman severely wounded' who subsequently died. After examining the bodies Sievewright allowed Pinchingannock to cremate the bodies. No one at Caramut would speak about the massacre, even though Sievewright offered 50 pounds reward for information and Governor Gipps quickly followed up with 100 pounds reward. On 15 May 1843, Christopher McGuinness a witness to the massacre went to Melbourne and told the whole story to Chief Protector of the Aborigines, GA Robinson. The perpetrators were arrested and charged and brought to trial but escaped conviction (Clark, 1995, pp 35-42). Historian Michael Christie (1979, p 50) believes the massacre was premeditated, and carried out to relieve the boredom of a summer evening.

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Clark, ID, 1995, pp 35-42; Clark, 1998c, p 171 (Robinson Journal, 12 May 1843); Christie, 1979, p 50. See also: BPP 1844, p 234; Thomas Papers, ML Item 21; Robinson Papers, vol. 57, p 46, ms ML A 7078; Critchett, 1990, pp 118-119 and 250; Port Phillip Gazette, August 2, 1843 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article225011583. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=532

Language Group, Nation or People: Tatungalung | Colony/State/Territory at the time: PPD

On August 18, 1842 at Eumerella Station, Port Fairy, Western District, after 2 raids by more than 150 Aboriginal people a party of Colonists found and attacked the raiding party. '...on the 7th ultimo [August] a party of blacks, headed by Jupiter [Tarerer] and Cocknose [Tykoohe]...attacked my shepherd and drove off a flock of sheep...my superintendent and several of the men...went in pursuit of the marauders, and after a severe skirmish succeeded in recovering the property. On the 10th, the shepherds were again attacked by upwards of 150 blacks... a part of the blacks took possession of the sheep and the remainder attacked the shepherds, who were in a position of great danger, but being well armed, they were...able to keep their assailants at bay until assistance arrived, when the blacks made off, and the men obtained repossession of the sheep. On the 18th the blacks again attacked the shepherds...and drove off 1,014 sheep...a party went out to recover the sheep, and they described the road as strewed with dead carcases [sic]. About eight miles [20 kms] off the station they came up with the blacks, and it was not until they had overcome a vigorous resistance, during which three of the blacks were shot, and several others wounded, that they succeeded in recovering the remainder of the sheep, 511 having been killed or destroyed.' (BPP 1844, p 234; Hunter cited in Critchett, 1990, p 108). Carried out by employees of James Hunter. Historian Jan Critchett considers that on this occasion several Aboriginal people were wounded and later died (Critchett, 1990, p 250).

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: BPP 1844, p 234; Critchett, 1990, pp 107-108 and 250. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=533

Language Group, Nation or People: Bundjalung | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

In early November1842, a group of Bundjulung people stole a flock of sheep at an outstation of Gordon Brook Station on the Clarence River, owned by Messrs Sandeman and Company. In reprisal the overseer led some stockmen to the Bundjulung camp and killed 20 of them. The massacre was reported in the Sydney Morning Herald, 12 November 1842, p.2. On 14 December 1842, Gordon Sandeman published a letter in the Sydney Morning Herald, p.3, denying the massacre and his overseer's involvement. This appears to be the code of silence being imposed in the aftermath of a frontier massacre.

Victims Killed: 20 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Sydney Morning Herald, 23 November 1842, p.2 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/12411438; 14 December 1842, p.3 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/12417951. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=1044

Language Group, Nation or People: Guyambal or Ngarabul or Marbal | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

On 11 September 1842, one of the Irby brothers recorded a night time attack on a camp of 100 Anaiwan people located between '2 terribly steep ridges, about 20 metres above a gully. We completely routed them and remained in possession of the camp and all their traps. There were 102 sheep left. We made a large fire and burned everything belonging to them. We got home at 4pm next day, well satisfied with our success.' (Irby, 1908, pp 60-63) Carried out by Edward and Leonard Irby, John Windeyer, overseer Collins and one other on horseback and three other men on foot. Carried out in reprisal for the killing of a stockman.

Victims Killed: 20 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Irby 1908, pp 60-63, https://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-2604939357/view?partId=nla.obj-2604968058#page/n61/mode/1up Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=588

Language Group, Nation or People: Koornkopanoot or Bi:gwurrung | Colony/State/Territory at the time: PPD

Prior to the poisoning, 300 Aboriginal people lead by Purtkeun, one of five Yowen gundidj

clan leaders, raided Tarrone Station. Dr James Kilgour of Tarrone Station mustered 40 colonists from neighboring runs and attacked a camp, killing three or four Yowen or Tarrone gundidj people (Clark, 1995 p 43). According to Ian Clark (1995, pp 43-44): 'In October 1842, Dr John Watton, medical officer who had charge of the Mt Rouse protectorate station, investigated a case of alleged poisoning at James Kilgour's station' at Tarrone, 19 kilometres north of Port Fairy. Three Aboriginal men, three women and three children died from poisoning. Watton reported to Chief Protector GA Robinson, that 'it appears that the then overseer, Mr Robinson had sent away into the bush to some natives ... a quantity of what was supposed to be flour. Of this they partook, and were immediately seized with burning pains in the stomach, vomiting, sinking of the abdomen and intense thirst (which are the symptoms usually produced by arsenic); on the following morning three men, three women and three children were dead' (Watton cited in Clark, 1995, p 44). 'The bodies were burned, and Watton could not find any white witnesses. Despite the fact that Watton established that [overseer] Robinson had received a large quantity of arsenic just before the incident, there was not enough proof to convict Robinson or his associates' (Clark, 1995, p 44). 'On March 17, 1843, Superintendent La Trobe informed the Colonial Secretary in Sydney of the reported poisoning at Kilgour's station, noting that attempts to discover the responsible parties had proved ineffective' (La Trobe cited in Clark 1995, pp 44-45). GA Robinson recorded in his diary on 29 August 1842 that Kilgour lost his licence for reporting false information concerning the Aborigines (Clark, 1998c, p 89).

Victims Killed: 9 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Clark ID, 1995, pp 43-55; Clark, 1998c, p 89. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=531

Language Group, Nation or People: Bigambul? | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

According to historian Maurice French, in late 1842, squatter Sydenham Russell, and stockmen Ralph Gore and Domville Taylor 'surprised a large group of natives coolly rounding up a mob of cattle in broad daylight between Yandilla and Tummaville.' (French, 1989, pp 102-103) According to historian HS Russell, 'The blacks had been more aggressive of late than ever. They were harrying and killing cattle wherever cattle were. The shepherds were in a terrible state of "funk," and no wonder. My brother had caught them, when crossing the plain between Yandilla and Tummavil in company with Ralph Gore and Taylor, coolly rounding a mob up in the open, and preparing to kill. A "set-to" was the consequence. The blacks numbered about three hundred, and kept admirable order and showed unusual courage. Upon the firing of a shot, the "ducking" of heads and rush on their assailants were instantaneous, well arranged, and executed. Syd.'s horse was fidgetty; so he jumped off and let him loose. The "brummagem" double barrelled gun which he had—mine, however—burst in his hands without doing damage; and it must have been quite half-an-hour before the mob, which showed a steady line throughout, had retreated, step by step, to the timber which skirted the western edge of the plain, and only then turned tail.' (Russell, 1888, p 328).

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: French, 1989, pp 102-103; Russell, 1888, p 328 and 348 https://www.textqueensland.com.au/item/book/b86c5755be236c74a8fc29e7ae220cb6. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=589

Language Group, Nation or People: Tatungalung | Colony/State/Territory at the time: PPD

According to an account sent to Gippsland historian Peter Gardner by settler Ray Scott, a massacre of Kurnai people took place at Hollands Landing in late 1842, when they congregated at the site and were fired at by a cannon from a ship anchored nearby. Years later, Scott's grandfather met some Aboriginal survivors who told him of the incident. Following the killing of two shepherds at Lindenow station, 'an organised and co-ordinated drive' was organised by the owners of Lindenow, involving 'a boat with one of the Clonmel cannon mounted in its bow, and was probably manned by men from the Strathfieldsaye run...those driving across the land, on the west from Strathfieldsaye and the north and east from Lindenow, no doubt were directed by the "notorious" Frederick Taylor.' Carried out by Angus McMillan; John McLennan, overseer at Hart Run; one of the Loughnan brothers at Lindenow run; William Pearson, squatter of Kilmany Park; John Reeve, squatter of Snake Ridge; Captain Orr of Orr's Survey near Port Albert; RB Sheridan, overseer for William Odell Raymond.

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Gardner, 2016; Dunderdale, 1973. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=535

Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander Place Name: Dirawong | Language Group, Nation or People: Bundjalung, Birihn | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

Rory Medcalf interviewed people in the Bundjuling community at Box Ridge and drew on the reminiscences of J T Olive of Woodburn whose father had been 'a squatter on the lower Richmond in the 1840s and took part in the Evans Head massacre' (Medcalf, 1993, p 5) to give a detailed account of a massacre at Goanna Headland.

According to Medcalf's narrative based on these sources, after Bundjuling people killed five white men at Pelican Creek in 1843, a group of 11 stockmen attacked a Bundjalung camp at Evans River and drove the Aboriginal people towards Goanna Headland where two schooners were sheltering from the southerly gale. The sailors on board joined in the shooting: 'Once within striking distance of the blacks a volley was poured into their ranks. Then the men aboard the schooners rushed for their guns and also opened fire on the tribe, who were mown down, the survivors fleeing in the distance. Altogether 100 darkies were killed on that headland, and for years afterwards the skulls could be picked up on the spot' (Olive in Medcalf, 1993, p 6).

Elder Mrs Mary Cowlan of Box Ridge said, 'Then the white men, they came along and shoot people ... I don't know the reasons ... they (the whites) didn't know blackfeller rules ... they had no pity, they killed women, men, children, babies' (Cowlan in Medcalf, 1993, p 6).

Elder Janet Gomes, said, 'Whitefellers started firing shots. There was no way out ... they (the Aborigines) were chased across the river from the Bundjalung Reserve' (Gomes in Medcalf, 1993, p 6).

Summarising the Bundjuling narratives, which are similar in many details to the colonist version, Medcalf wrote, 'It says the killings started at the riverbank campsite, and that the Aborigines were chased east to the headland, where at least one boatload of armed sailors was waiting.

The tribal group was all but annihilated, it says. They were the Birihn clans ... According to Douglas Cook, an Aboriginal elder from the Cabbage Tree Island community, who died in 1987, only two Birihn children survived the massacre' (Medcalf, 1993, p 6).

Victims Killed: 100 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Medcalf 1993, p 5-7. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=632

Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

'In the 1840s when the teamsters used to go through from Moreton Bay to Toowoomba, the blacks were very troublesome along the route, and English soldiers (from the 99th Regiment) were stationed near Helidon for the protection of travellers. Once when a party Aboriginals was giving trouble, the soldiers attacked them and drove them across to the creek at Tent Hill, and beside a big water-hole near Armstrong's Crossing shot them all and left them lying there' (Queensland Times 26/11/1927, p 13). 'The Crossing was at Blackfellows Creek and Blackfellows Gully so named because of the great quantity of bones found there' (Gardner, 1854, vol 2, p 124).

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Gardner, 1854, vol 2, p 124; Queensland Times, 26 November 1927, p 13 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/117271639. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=949

Language Group, Nation or People: Dhanggati | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

According to Geoffrey Blomfield (1981, pp 40-41), 'Two young colonial men were left at Sheep Station Creek to hold a small mob of quiet cattle' while the station boss and other stockmen went after the wild cattle. The boys 'fell asleep' and when 'they awoke they found that some Aboriginal men had speared a vealer and were dragging it off.' They informed the boss when he returned, and he quickly set off in pursuit (presumably with the other stockmen) and 'quite quickly came up with them on the cliff edge. It is said that they forced them over the cliff to their deaths'. Next day one of the two young men left to hold the 'quiet' cattle 'became troubled that some of the Aboriginal people may have been left injured by the fall from the cliff and dying a lingering death in the sun. He rode out to the site of the massacre. He found an infant crawling about and took it to Pee Dee station, the McMaugh home.' 'Later the child was taken to live with the Thompson Family at Towel Creek station' (Blomfield, 1981, pp 40-41).

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Blomfield 1981, p 40-41. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=591

Language Group, Nation or People: Brataualung | Colony/State/Territory at the time: PPD

This massacre is part of a group of massacres

In his review of the various accounts of the Warrigal Creek massacres Gippsland historian Peter Gardner quotes a report that human remains were found at the mouth of Warrigal Creek (Gardner, 2001, pp 53-57). He cites an article in the Gippsland Standard and Alberton Shire Representative in 1912 by the Rev, George Cox, where Cox says that a local teacher, W. H. Thomas, and a friend M had dug up a large quantity of human bones including remains of men, women and children. According to Gardner, Cox says the bones were 'evidently Aboriginal' and adds 'As a result of a careful examination of these it was disclosed that all the skulls were fractured, a piece being broken away at the base of the skull, as though caused by a blow from a tomahawk. Messrs. Thomas and Lamb concluded at first that the remains were those of aboriginals killed in a tribal fight; but that was discounted by the remarkable resemblance of the skull fractures. From Mr. Chas Kuch, senior, they afterwards heard of a massacre of blacks in that neighbourhood. Mr. Thomas suggests that this information may throw light on the scene of the massacre which took place in revenge for the murder of Ronald Macalister' (Cox cited in Gardner, 1983, pp 53-54).

From this description, the regularity of the fractures and their location at the base of the skull are analogous to fractured skulls found in the Cambodian killing fields, described in a 2006 study 'Blunt Force Cranial Trauma in the Cambodian Killing Fields' (Ta'ala et al, 2006). This similarity suggests the possibility that at the mouth of Warrigal Creek victims were restrained and executed with a blow to the head, possibly to save bullets.

Victims Killed: 25 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Dunderdale, 1973, p.225; Pepper and de Aurugo, 1985, p.24; Cannon, 1990, p.171; Shaw,1996, p.133; Clark, 1998d, p.70, p. 99, p.110; Gardner, 2001, pp 53-61; Bartrop, 2004, pp 199-205 ; The Age, 8 Aug 1874, p 7 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/201532298; Gardner, 1994, p 45; The Courier, 23 Jun, 1843, p 4 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/2952539; Dunderdale, 2020 https://www.gutenberg.org/cache/epub/16349/pg16349-images.html; Caldow, 2020; Gardner, 2022, https://petergardner.info/wp-content/uploads/2022/01/Warrigal-Creek-Massacre-a-reply-to-Wayne-Caldow.pdf; Ta'ala et al, 2006 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1556-4029.2006.00219.x. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=538

Language Group, Nation or People: Brataualung | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

This massacre is part of a group of massacres

Bruthen Creek is one of the Warrigal Creek group of massacres.

In 1845 William Thomas, the Assistant Protector of Aborigines recorded in his journal a conversation with a man called Hatcher: 'He said he [Hatcher] and another man had come unarmed from Gippsland. I asked him if he was not afraid of meeting the Blacks, his reply was, Blks Sir no fear of them now they would run away as soon as they see a white man but there are not many left, he said he had a Brother who had been in Gippsland from the first his name was Bunton & kept a Public house in Gippsland by the Dirty Water Holes & a cattle station joining to Mr. McAllister who was killed, that after Mr. McAllisters murder great slaughter of the blacks took place and that on his brothers station a cart load of Blks bones might be gath.rd up' (Thomas, cited in Caldow, 2020 and cited in Gardner, 1994, p 51).

Caldow (2020) and Gardner (2022) concur that the station where bones 'might be gath.rd up' referred to in Thomas's journal is Hatcher's brother-in-law Buntine's run at Bruthen Creek.

Victims Killed: 25 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Dunderdale, 1973, p.225; Pepper and de Aurugo, 1985, p.24; Cannon, 1990, p.171; Shaw,1996, p.133; Clark, 1998d, p.70, p. 99, p.110; Gardner, 2001, pp 53-61; Bartrop, 2004, pp 199-205 ; The Age, 8 Aug 1874, p 7 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/201532298; Gardner, 1994, p 45; The Courier, 23 Jun, 1843, p 4 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/2952539; Dunderdale, 2020 https://www.gutenberg.org/cache/epub/16349/pg16349-images.html; Caldow, 2020; Gardner, 2022, https://petergardner.info/wp-content/uploads/2022/01/Warrigal-Creek-Massacre-a-reply-to-Wayne-Caldow.pdf; Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=1121

Language Group, Nation or People: Brataualung | Colony/State/Territory at the time: PPD

This massacre is part of a group of massacres

In early July 1843, Donald Macalister, the nephew of squatter Lachlan Macalister, was killed by Aboriginal people, near Port Albert in Gippsland. According to GA Robinson, who first heard of Macalister's killing from Crown Lands Commissioner Charles Tyers on 19 May 1844,' Mr McAllister was murdered about six months ago by the natives; he was alone it seems and on horseback and supposed riding serenely along and E.H. the black took him by surprise or he must have been parleing with them a the time it happened. He had a brace of pistols in his holster, [when] his body was found, he was on his way to the Port [Albert] with cattle in short way on ahead' (Robinson 19 May 1844, in Clark 1998d, p.56).

After being visited by Thomas McAllister and Mr McMillan at Foster's, Robinson remarked in his journal on 1 June, 1844, 'Reginald McAllister was the gentleman killed by natives; they are supposed to have killed him with sticks; there was no spear wounds no person saw it done or saw natives; hence there is no direct proof' (Clark, 1998d, p 73). Robinson listed several other colonists killed. According to Gippsland historian Peter D Gardner, Macalister's death was at least the fifth killing of a colonist in Gippsland within 12 months (Gardner 2001, p.53). McMillan had been the first European to the region in 1839, and the earliest runs were established soon after, such that these murders were in direct response to the first few years of colonial incursion.

A visitor to Gippsland wrote in 1843 'I had been informed that ill-blood existed between the blacks and settlers, and that four

or five shepherds and stock-men had been murdered; that it was unsafe to travel alone and unarmed in Gipps' Land' (The Courier, 23 Jun, 1843, p 4).

In 1845 William Thomas, the Assistant Protector of Aborigines recorded in his journal that 'He said he [Hatcher] and another man had come unarmed from Gippsland. I asked him if he was not afraid of meeting the Blacks, his reply was, Blks Sir no fear of them now they would run away as soon as they see a white man but there are not many left, he said he had a Brother who had been in Gippsland from the first his name was Bunton & kept a Public house in Gippsland by the Dirty Water Holes & a cattle station joining to Mr. McAllister who was killed, that after Mr. McAllisters murder great slaughter of the blacks took place and that on his brothers station a cart load of Blks bones might be gath.rd up' (Thomas, cited in Caldow, 2020 & cited in Gardner, 1994, p 51).

Macalister's death prompted a massacre of Aboriginal people, most likely at multiple sites around Warrigal Creek. Bell, in 1874, wrote as if the massacre was well known in the colony:

'The historic pen of Victorian settlement would paint with truth the horrors of many

a scene of Gipps Land life; and it was in 1843 (the year the will was dated) that the aggressions

of the blacks were so frequent. Shepherds worked in pairs, armed, as if in an enemy's

country, to resist them ; and it was 1843 that ended by wholesale destruction, the massacres at

Warrigal Creek and the Bundalaguah Swamp, where only one aboriginal was left to tell the

story of how they died and the history of his race' (The Age, 8 Aug, 1874, p 7).

Dunderdale, writing in the late 1800s, provides the following description of events:

'At this time the blacks had quite recovered from the fright occasioned by the discharge of the nine-pounder gun, and were again often seen from the huts at the Old Port. Donald Macalister was sent by his uncle, Lachlan Macalister, of Nuntin, to make arrangements for shipping some cattle and sheep. The day before their arrival Donald saw some blacks at a distance in the scrub, and without any provocation fired at them with an old Tower musket, charged with shot. The next day the drovers and shepherds arrived with the stock, and drove them over Glengarry's bridge to a place between the Tarra and Albert rivers, called the Coal Hole, afterwards occupied by Parson Bean. there was no yard there, and the animals would require watching at night; so Donald decided to send them back to Glengarry's yards. Then he and the drovers and shepherds would have a pleasant time; there would be songs and whisky, the piper would play, and the men and maids would dance. The arrangement suited everybody. The drovers started back with the cattle, Donald helped the shepherds to gather the sheep, and put them on the way, and then he rode after the cattle. The track led him past a grove of dense ti-tree, on the land now known as the Brewery Paddock, and about a hundred yards ahead a single blackfellow came out of the grove, and began capering about and waving a waddy. Donald pulled up his horse and looked at the black. He had a pair of pistols in the holsters of his saddle, but he did not draw them: there was no danger from a blackfellow a hundred yards off. But there was another behind him and much nearer, who came silently out of the ti-tree and thrust a spear through Donald's neck. The horse galloped away towards Glengarry's bridge.

'When the drovers saw the riderless horse, they supposed that Macalister had been accidentally thrown, and they sent Friday to look for him. He found him dead. The blacks had done their work quickly. They had stripped Donald of everything but his trousers and boots, had mutilated him in their usual fashion, and had disappeared. A messenger was sent to old Macalister, and the young man was buried on the bank of the river near McClure's grave. The new cemetery now contained three graves, the second being that of Tinker Ned, who shot himself accidentally when pulling out his gun from beneath a tarpaulin.

'Lachlan Macalister had had a long experience in dealing with blackfellows and bushrangers; he had been a captain in the army, and an officer of the border police. The murder of his nephew gave him both a professional and a family interest in chastising the criminals, and he soon organised a party to look for them. It was, of course, impossible to identify any blackfellow concerned in the outrage, and therefore atonement must be made by the tribe. The blacks were found encamped near a waterhole at Gammon Creek, and those who were shot were thrown into it, to the number, it was said, of about sixty, men, women, and children; but this was probably an exaggeration. At any rate, the black who capered about to attract young Macalister's attention escaped, and he often afterwards described and imitated the part he took in what he evidently considered a glorious act of revenge. The gun used by old Macalister was a double-barrelled Purdy, a beautiful and reliable weapon, which in its time had done great execution' (Dunderdale, 2020). McMillan showed Robinson his gun on 5 June 1844. It had 'seven barralls (sic): all go off at once' (Clark 1998d, p.94).

A more detailed account of the events was published in The Gap magazine's 1925 edition in an article titled 'Experiences with Gippsland Blacks'. The article on the Warrigal Creek massacre was submitted under the pen name 'Gippslander, Bairnsdale'. Gippslander wrote:

'When Angus McMillan first settled in Gippsland in 1839, the blacks were very numerous, hostile, and treacherous. They speared the stock and attacked

the homesteads, and, in some instances, speared some of the hut-keepers. The white settlers retaliated, and there were numerous raids on the blacks, and numbers of them were killed, mostly around McLennan's Straits, Roseneath, and the western shores of Lake Wellington.

Getting well into the forties, settlement was taking place south from Sale and north from Port Albert. The blacks were becoming more civilised, and many of them used to congregate about the stations. Shipping was coming from Van Diemen's Land, and elsewhere, bringing in a number of undesirables - "ticket-of-leave" men, or "Vandemonians," as they were called in those days.

These men [Vandemonians] were employed by the settlers as hutkeepers, and some of them used to treat the blacks

badly, playing all sorts of practical jokes upon them,

which in many instances amounted to cruelty. Most

of the outrages committed by the blacks at that time

were the outcome of some injury, either real or

fancied, committed by those men on the natives.

The murder of

Roland Macalister was in revenge for

the throwing of hot ashes on the

feet of the natives by Macalister's

hut-keeper. Macalister at that time

was stationed some distance out from

Port Albert and had one of these

"ticket-of-leave" men as hut-keeper.

The former used to visit Port Albert, returning after dark, and the

blacks were aware

of this. The hut-keeper, during Macalister's absence, was in the habit of letting the blacks inside the hut.

On this particular night, when he wanted them

to go out, they refused, so he took some hot ashes,

which he threw over their bare feet.

In revenge they made up their minds to kill Macalister. Three

of them waited for him as he returned, putting

three spears through him and killing him at once.

Taking most of his clothes and his kidney fat, they

made for Warrigal Creek.

Macalister's horse, taking fright, galloped off along

the road towards Sale, and, next day, was found

between Woodside and Sale by Mr. McMillan,

who was traveling down the road with cattle. The

blacks must have had some way of communicating

with the others, for the morning after the murder

not a black was to be seen on any of the stations;

all had made for Warrigal Creek. The settlers were

so enraged at this murder that they determined to

give the blacks a lesson, and formed what they

called the Highland Brigade. Every man who could

find a gun and a horse took chase after the blacks.

The Brigade, coming up to the blacks, camped

around the waterhole at Warrigal Creek,

rounded them, and fired into them, killing a great

number. Some escaped in the scrub, others jumped

into the waterhole, and, as fast as they put their

heads up for breath, they were shot, until the water

was red with blood. It was estimated that between

one hundred and one hundred and fifty were killed

during the progress of the Brigade.

I knew two blacks who, though wounded, came

out of that hole alive.

One was a boy at that time,

about 12 or 14 years old. He was hit in the eye

by a slug, captured by the whites, and made to lead

the Brigade on from one camp to another. He was

afterwards adopted by one of the party and was

called "Bing Eye."

The other was a little older;

he made his escape up the creek by swimming and

diving. He was shot through the foot, and was so

injured that he was called "Club Foot."

After this slaughter the blacks kept to the coast,

and did not come near the stations for a number of

years. The spearing of cattle, however, still went

on, and there were still many blacks

being killed, principally by the Black

Police' (Gippslander, Bairnsdale, 1925).

Dunderdale names Macalister's uncle 'Lachlan Macalister' as having lead the massacre while, Gippslander names 'McMillan'. All accounts indicate that many colonists in the area were involved.

In another reminiscence in the same magazine titled 'My Early Life', Mrs H. Greenwood wrote, 'I remember the blacks killing Mr Macalister, and the subsequent slaughter of the blacks at Warrigal Creek.' Mrs Greenwood says she was born in 1853, some time after the massacre, so she must have meant that she remembered hearing of it, presumably from her father who she said had moved to Gippsland around 1840 (The Gap, 1925, p 11). Historian Peter Gardner notes that the massacre remained widely recognised in the folk history of Gippsland (Gardner, 1983, pp 53-62).

Caldow provides a detailed list of sources for the Warrigal Creek massacre, but is dismissive of the Gippslander's version, relied on heavily by Gardner, largely because it is published in a magazine for children (Caldow, 2020). Gardner has replied to Caldow in detail (Gardner, 2022). The intended readership of The Gap is schoolchildren, with a focus on factual education rather than fiction. The story of the Warrigal Creek massacre appears along with other non-fiction articles on diverse topics ranging from ANZAC Day and the use of gas in World War One to beekeeping and the sugar beet industry. These topics are not cast into doubt for being in an educational magazine. As a Gippsland publication, the magazine includes a section providing members of the community an opportunity to contribute their knowledge and reminiscences towards a history of the region. The Gippslander article also mentions other attested violence in Gippsland at 'McLennan's Straits, Roseneath, and the western shores of Lake Wellington', and historical events such as the influx of Vandemonians and the murder of Macalister. Caldow acknowledges that, 'First, using the information Gardner misinterpreted, rejected or missed in Thomas, Dunderdale and Bell, we must accept the possibility or even the probability that an atrocity took place somewhere' and suggests 'Establishing the factual basis of this will require in-depth research to uncover any written evidence before Bell's account from 1874, as well as archaeological evidence at locations such as Bruthen Creek and Bundalaguah Swamp' (Caldow, 2020).

The creeks mentioned in various tellings of the massacre are all relatively close together. This is consistent with Gippslander's statement that the colonists had progressed from one camp to another. This could be seen as a single massacre at multiple sites, referred to by the name of any one of the creeks in the area, or as a group of massacres that were part of a single expedition. Caldow (2020) and Gardner (2022) concur that the station where 'might be gath.rd up' referred to in Thomas's journal is Hatcher's brother in law Buntine's run at Bruthen Creek.

The earliest accounts then give the locations as Bruthen Creek, Warrigal Creek and Gammon Creek. Gardner lists several sites that are mentioned in local folk history and where archaeological evidence has been found. First, Warrigal Creek at a long U shaped waterhole which matches Gippslander's description (Gardner, 1983, p 53). Next, Warrigal Creek mouth, where a large quantity of Aboriginal bones of men, women and children were found with similar skull fractures. This led local historian the Rev. George Cox to conclude that it was not the result of a tribal massacre, but may be a result of the massacres following Macalister's murder (Gardner, 1983, p 53-54). Then Red Hill, where skeletons were found in an upright position, which Gardner regards as inconsistent with traditional Kurnai funereal practice. However, Gardner discounts this site as it is unrealistic that people could have been surrounded and not escaped (Gardner, 1983, p 55). Then Gammon Creek: as well as being named as the location by Dunderdale, there is a strong local tradition that a massacre occurred here (Gardner, 1983, p 56). Finally, Freshwater Creek: an Aboriginal survivor named Darby had told Chas Lucas who told the Rev. Cox this was the location (Gardner, 1983, p 57).

The most likely sites at which people were killed, based on a combination of historical records, archaeology and local oral history is then: Warrigal Creek, Warrigal Creek Mouth, Gammon Creek, Freshwater Creek and Bruthen Creek.

Gardner further notes the rapid decline in numbers of people of the Brataualung Clan of Kurnai Nations: 'Beginning with the pre-white estimates of population at 300-500 the total of these people, within 30 years of the initial white occupation numbered 17. By 1880 there were only two surviving members' (Gardner, 1983, p 58). The determined manner in which these reprisal massacres were carried out and the sudden extreme decline in population indicate that unusually large numbers of people were killed in the Warrigal Creek massacres.

Victims Killed: 25 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Dunderdale, 1973, p.225; Pepper and de Aurugo, 1985, p.24; Cannon, 1990, p.171; Shaw,1996, p.133; Clark, 1998d, p.70, p. 99, p.110; Gardner, 2001, pp 53-61; Bartrop, 2004, pp 199-205 ; The Age, 8 Aug 1874, p 7 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/201532298; Gardner, 1994, p 45; The Courier, 23 Jun, 1843, p 4 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/2952539; Dunderdale, 2020 https://www.gutenberg.org/cache/epub/16349/pg16349-images.html; Caldow, 2020; Gardner, 2022, https://petergardner.info/wp-content/uploads/2022/01/Warrigal-Creek-Massacre-a-reply-to-Wayne-Caldow.pdf; Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=537

Language Group, Nation or People: Brataualung | Colony/State/Territory at the time: PPD

This massacre is part of a group of massacres

Freshwater Creek is one of the Warrigal Creek group of massacres.

According to local historian Gardner, 'The sources for Freshwater Creek as a massacre site are the only ones fully known. The aboriginal "Darby", who escaped the massacre, told an earlier settler, Mr. Chas Lucas, Lucas in turn informed the Rev. G.S. Cox of the Yarram Historical Society. It is for this reason that Freshwater Creek remains a definite consideration' (Gardner, 1983, p 57).

Victims Killed: 25 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Gardner, 1983. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=539

Language Group, Nation or People: Brataualung | Colony/State/Territory at the time: PPD

This massacre is part of a group of massacres

Gammon Creek is one of the Warrigal Creek group of massacres.

According to Dunderdale, following the killing of Donald Macalister, Aborginal people were massacred at Gammon Creek.

'Lachlan Macalister had had a long experience in dealing with blackfellows and bushrangers; he had been a captain in the army, and an officer of the border police. The murder of his nephew gave him both a professional and a family interest in chastising the criminals, and he soon organised a party to look for them. It was, of course, impossible to identify any blackfellow concerned in the outrage, and therefore atonement must be made by the tribe. The blacks were found encamped near a waterhole at Gammon Creek, and those who were shot were thrown into it, to the number, it was said, of about sixty, men, women, and children; but this was probably an exaggeration. At any rate, the black who capered about to attract young Macalister's attention escaped, and he often afterwards described and imitated the part he took in what he evidently considered a glorious act of revenge. The gun used by old Macalister was a double-barrelled Purdy, a beautiful and reliable weapon, which in its time had done great execution' (Dunderdale, 2020).

According to local historian Gardner, 'It is remarkable how the tradition of the massacre at this site has been continued down to the present owners of the property' (Gardner, 1983, p 56).

Victims Killed: 25 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Dunderdale, 1973, p.225; Pepper and de Aurugo, 1985, p.24; Cannon, 1990, p.171; Shaw,1996, p.133; Clark, 1998d, p.70, p. 99, p.110; Gardner, 2001, pp 53-61; Bartrop, 2004, pp 199-205 ; The Age, 8 Aug 1874, p 7 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/201532298; Gardner, 1994, p 45; The Courier, 23 Jun, 1843, p 4 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/2952539; Dunderdale, 2020 https://www.gutenberg.org/cache/epub/16349/pg16349-images.html; Caldow, 2020; Gardner, 2022, https://petergardner.info/wp-content/uploads/2022/01/Warrigal-Creek-Massacre-a-reply-to-Wayne-Caldow.pdf; Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=540

Language Group, Nation or People: Yugara | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

Christopher Rolleston, CCL Darling Downs and party cornered Aboriginal people in daylight in the Range scrub, three days after Yugara people killed Richard White, a shepherd on Sibley and King's Haldon run and drove off 1874 sheep (French, 1989, p 104). Rolleston estimated that twelve Yugara people were killed (Rolleston to Col Sec, August 15, October 12, 1843, CCL Correspondence 1843, SRNSW, 4/2601).

Victims Killed: 12 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: French, 1989, p 104; Rolleston to Col Sec, August 15, October 12, 1843, CCL Correspondence 1843, SRNSW, 4/2601 Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=590

Language Group, Nation or People: Djabwurrung or Nundadjali | Colony/State/Territory at the time: PPD

According to Clark (1995, p 160): 'In August 1843, a large group of Aboriginal warriors attacked WJ Purbrick's Koroite station on Konongwootong Creek, adjoining present day Coleraine, and drove off 180 sheep'. Captain HEP Dana, commandant of a detachment of Native Police stationed at Mt Eckersley, 'was notified of the alleged attack and with seven native police troopers, Dana followed the Aboriginal men into the Victoria Range' (Clark, 1995, p 160). According to the Port Phillip Gazette (August 26, 1843, p. 2), in the conflict that ensued, 'Captain Dana's troop fired simultaneously upon the savages four or five times, seven or eight of whom were shot dead on the spot, and many wounded; the remainder retreated to the scrub and it is supposed about twenty of their number have been shot in the affray'. 'About eighty sheep out of the number that had escaped being slaughtered, were driven back to the owner.' According to the same article, 'the settlers were 'in perfect ecstasies', declaring that a 'real service has been done for them' (Port Phillip Gazette, August 26, 1843 p 2).

Victims Killed: 20 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Port Phillip Gazette August 26, 1843, p 2 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/23203900; Thomas Papers, report 1 September – 1 December 1843; Clark, 1995, pp 160-161. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=542

Language Group, Nation or People: Yugara or Garumngar | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

Soldiers, settlers and stockmen chased a large group of Aboriginal people led by Multuggerah into the Rosewood Scrub, following the 'Battle of One Tree Hill'. Carried out by Crown Lands Commissioners Christopher Rolleston and Stephen Simpson, with a vigilante group of settlers, and Lt Johnstone and 10 soldiers from the 99th Regiment (Copland et al, 2006, pp 25-26). Copland estimates that 12 Yugarah people were killed (Copland et al, p 26).

Victims Killed: 12 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: SMH October 12, 1843, p 3 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/1520833; Copland et al, 2006, pp 25-26. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=592

Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander Place Name: Budj Bim | Language Group, Nation or People: Dhauwurd wurrung, Gunditjmara | Colony/State/Territory at the time: PPD

A group of Aboriginal people killed colonists and stole sheep, strategically using stony and swampy country, difficult for horses, in the Budj Bim area to evade pursuit. Clark suggests this was the group lead by Koort Kirrup, 'According to Dana, they were the same people who had killed McKenzie and his employee, and Martha Ward. If this is correct, they were probably the Pallapnue gundidj under the leadership of Koort Kirrup.' (Clark, pp 46-47)

Captain Henry Dana and Native Police with Mr Edgar pursued them into the wetlands near Mt Eccles (formerly 'Mt Eeles') and killed eight to 10 Aboriginal people. From the descriptions of places and terrain provided it appears that Dana and the Native Police approached from the west, having been at '"Bassett's Station" (also known as Crawford) near the head of

the Crawford River adjoining Hotspur' (Clark, p 46) and Edgar's station on the 'Fitzroy River run adjoining Heywood' (Clark, p 46) and pursued the group through stony and swampy country to where the sheep had been herded onto an island in the swamp, near Mt Eccles (Budj Bim). The Aboriginal people taunted them from scrub across the swamp, and made a counter attack on the sheep. Dana lead a counter attack and the massacre occured in the scrub across the from the island. These descriptions suggest that the massacre occurred in the scrub to the east of Lake Condah.

In a letter to La Trobe written at Mount Eckersly, September 6th 1843, H E Pultney Dana wrote that Christopher Basset, who lived 'on the head of the Crawford' had been killed by Aboriginal people. According to Dana, the Aboriginal people had also stolen his clothes and more than 200 sheep. 'I was out with my party accompanied by Mr Edgar of the Fitzroy in search of Mr Ward's child and had ascertained from a number of natives in the stones hear Mount Eels [Mt Eeles / Mt Eccles] that it had been murdered by a black named Harry who used to live with Messrs Whyte. I was proceeding along the edge of the large swamp when I came across the tracks of sheep. I followed them for a short distance and came on a number of natives driving and breaking the legs of a flock of sheep; he natives fled into the reeds in the swamp and thinking they would be safe challenged us.' Dana, the troopers and Mr Edgar dismounted and pursued the Aboriginal people into the swamp and in an affray, Mr Edgar shot one of them. They continued the pursuit through the swamp to a large island and found a great number of dead sheep and a coat. The aboriginal people reached the far side of the swamp, and the colonists paused to secure up to 40 unhurt sheep. The Aboriginal people returned and attempted to retake the sheep and taunted them from a tea tree scrub across the swamp. Dana wrote, 'I determined to cross the men over the swamp before daylight and if possible take some of the murderers and drive them out of the scrub. I accordingly did so and a little before sunrise attacked them in the scrub it was by far the worst place I have ever been in and it was a mercy that my small party was not cut off to a man. I did not succeed in taking any prisoners but before we could take the scrub and drive the natives eight or nine were shot... Spears, waddies and tomahawks were thrown at us from all directions but no person was struck except one of the men, Moonee Moonee who got a blow on his head from a large axe but did not appear to hurt him. If these murderers had escaped without punishment there is no knowing when this work would stop; the same tribe of Natives killed McKenzie and his man, Ward's child and now Basset, and the Country they fly to after committing these outrages is such that but few white men could follow them and I trust that your Honor will not consider that I have exceeded my duty for following them into their strong holds, and making them feel that they shall not murder and plunder with impunity.' (Dana to Latrobe, 6 September 1843, pp99-106)

Victims Killed: 9 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Clark, 1995, pp 46-47 http://nationalunitygovernment.org/pdf/2014/IanDClark-Scars_in_the_landscape.pdf.pdf; Shaw, 1996, p 132; Critchett, 1990, p 252; Dana to La Trobe, 6 September 1843, pp 99-106 https://collection.sl.nsw.gov.au/record/9Bv7mO09. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=543

Language Group, Nation or People: Nundadjali or Mardidjali | Colony/State/Territory at the time: PPD

Six Aborigines were shot by the Native Police in November 1843 at Clunie station on the Glenelg River. The incident followed another a few days earlier in which Ricketts shot three Aborigines in reprisal for Aboriginal attacks on livestock.

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Official List of Aborigines Killed, 1836-1844, NSW Legislative Council, 'Votes & Proceedings', 1844, vol.1, pp.718-19; Critchett, 1990, p 253; Cannon, 1990, p 122; Shaw, 1996, p 132. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=545

Language Group, Nation or People: Yorta Yorta, Bangerang | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

Following the killing of two employees at Horatio Spencer Wills' station 'Calimo' (Tumudgery) on the Edward River near present day Deniliquin in NSW, and the loss of several hundred sheep at other stations along the River Murray, on 24 November 1843, Superintendent La Trobe ordered Henry Dana, of the native police, Crown Lands Commissioner Henry Smythe and his Murray District border police, to each take a detachment of their mounted men to the Murray River at Barmah and Moira Lakes, to investigate (Robinson 24 November 1843 in Clark 1998, pp. 213-214). La Trobe was responding to a letter from Henry Bingham, Commissioner of Crown Lands, based at Tumut in NSW, seeking help. Dana and Smythe and their detachments were accompanied by settlers Henry S. Lewis, Edward Hogg and John Oldbury Atkinson and by a detachment of Bingham's border police led by Sgt James. (Franklin 2021, p.49) The entire party is estimated to have comprised about 20 horsemen.

An encounter took place in the Moira Swamps on 15 December 1843. When Dana returned to Melbourne he sent a brief report to La Trobe on 1 January 1844, saying that he had joined Smythe's party 'on the Murray' and that his men had 'behaved exceedingly well and were of the greatest use in the expedition.' (Dana in Franklin 2021, p. 45)

However Assistant Protector William Thomas had already heard that several people were killed and confronted Dana about it. In response Dana 'abused him...in a violent manner, damned and threatened to kick him.' (Robinson 3 Jan 1844 in Clark 1998, p. 1) On 8 January 1844, the Geelong Advertiser reported that Thomas had charged Dana with 'the murder of several natives!' and that an investigation was under way. On 4 January 1844, Dr James Allen, Robinson's son-in-law and medical officer at Narre Warren Aboriginal station, told Robinson that 'the blacks had told him that a number of men also women were shot by Dana's party at the Murry [sic] and the children were knocked on the head with carrabines. They first sent a party to look for the natives and then went and planted themselves in a scrub and sent two or three troopers to round or drive them up like sheep to be large party carrelled; they then commenced firing and shot some of them in the river etc.' Dana told Robinson that 'he had had a brush with the natives. He went to the Murray by the Campaspe [River] and returned said 20 men, one woman, five children were shot.' (Robinson 5 January 1844 in Clark 1998, p.2)

The inquiry exonerated Dana but did not record the number of people killed. (Port Phillip Gazette 31 January 1844). However, on 17 April 1844, former Sergeant Edward Broderick of Smythe's mounted border police, wrote to La Trobe complaining of his recent dismissal from the force and that he had kept quiet about the illegal shootings of Aboriginal people at the Murray River on 15 December 1843. Smythe and his men had attacked an Aboriginal camp and shot men, women and children 'indiscriminately' and that his evidence could be supported by the three settlers and Sgt James. (Broderick to La Trobe 17 April 1844 in Franklin 2021, pp. 46-49) La Trobe demanded an explanation from Smythe and the three settlers. However, they all said that they fired in self-defence and there was no indiscriminate firing. Smythe said that two Aboriginal men were killed and one woman was wounded in the wrist. Edward Hogg said that Broderick did most of the firing. (Smythe to La Trobe 26 April 1844; Statement by Edward Hogg, 5 June 1841 in Franklin 2021, pp. 54-9).

The inquiry came to an end in August 1844, when the Colonial Secretary in Sydney said that Governor Gipps could see 'no reason to suppose that Mr Smythe encouraged or sanctioned the exercise of any unnecessary severity towards the Natives, on the unfortunate occasion of his collision with them in the Swamp called "Moira"'. (Col Sec to La Trobe 16 August 1844 in Franklin 2021, p. 61) This incident is one of very few that led to two formal inquiries. In each case, the ringleaders, Dana and Smythe, were exonerated.

Colonial records refer to Aboriginal people in this area as 'Bangerang'. Today, some Aboriginal people in this area prefer to be recognised as Yorta Yorta and some as Bangerang.

Victims Killed: 26 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Clark ed. Robinson, Port Philllip Journals, vol 3 and vol 4, 1998; Franklin 2021; Geelong Advertiser, 8 January 1844 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/92676812/8432710; Port Phillip Gazette, 31 January 1844 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/23202115. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=1081

Language Group, Nation or People: Gawambaraay or Bigambul? | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

Thomas Crampton was the first white man to occupy land near Goondiwindi in 1837 and held a working share in the Merewah run, owned by James Howe, a settler from the Hawkesbury and Hunter Rivers. One day Crampton went to check on the cattle at Crampton's corner and found some Aboriginal men in the tops of some trees armed with spears. He shot and killed 'no less than fifteen blacks' (Browne, 1922, pp 22-24; Copland, 1990, pp 18-19).

Victims Killed: 15 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Copland, 1990, pp 17-19; Gunn, nd, Letter 'Goondiwindi and District file' Royal Queensland Historical Society; Browne, 1922, pp 22-24. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=594

Language Group, Nation or People: Bundjalung, Marbal or Ngarbal | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

In daylight on 17 October 1844, Edward Irby and Thomas Windeyer and the latter's two servants Connor and Weaver, chased and then lost and then came upon, more by chance than by skill, a group of Bundjalung or Ngarabal (Marbal or Ngarbal speakers?) sheltering beneath the very rocks Irby and Windeyer found themselves upon. Irby and Windeyer lay on the rocks and began firing at the people below, knowing that their fire would bring up Connor and Weaver who joined the slaughter (Irby cited in Walker, 1996, p30). The massacre was in reprisal for the Aboriginal killing of a shepherd named Robinson, employee of Irby Brothers, lessees of Bolivia station (Schlunke 2005 pp 59-60).

Victims Killed: 10 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Irby 1908, p 77-80, 88-90, https://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-2604939357/view?partId=nla.obj-2604971617#page/n76/mode/1up; Schlunke 2005, pp 59-60; Walker, 1966, p 30. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=593

Language Group, Nation or People: Dhanggati | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

Geoffrey Blomfield (1981, p 37) cites a paragraph from Mrs H A McMaugh's, 'Early Settlement of the Upper Macleay' (p 6). 'In 1845, Kunderan station was the property of Captain Goblin and he had two shepherds and their wives there, and they were found dead, murdered by the blacks but it was quite a week after the bodies were found and about eight hundred sheep also missing, the matter was reported to the [Crown Lands] Commissioner [Robert] Massie at Kempsey and he in company with John McMaugh and several men from the station tracked the sheep to where the blacks had driven them. They found a large number of them camped under a cliff they immediately showed fight and a battle ensued but the whitemen were well armed and a great number of blacks were killed but the only casualty on the other side was a horse, the men took cover behind the trees and fired at the murderers, a few of the sheep were found but the blacks were so numerous that they killed and ate twenty a night.' Blomfield also heard two separate accounts of the massacre from Aboriginal men, Victor Shepherd and Laurie O'Keefe (Blomfield 1981, p.38).

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: McMaugh, nd: 6; Blomfield, 1981, p 36-8. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=597

Language Group, Nation or People: Geynyan? | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

This attack, by owners and station hands at Talgai Station on the Southern Darling Downs, was carried out to prevent the station from becoming the collecting point for other Aboriginal clans. The account given by French (1989, p 99) relates that 'two uninitiated Aboriginal youths from southern New South Wales, in the employ of a local squatter, had raped several women of the McIntyre (Bigambul?) tribe. When the tribal warriors gathered to punish the transgressors, the reprobates informed the settlers at Talgai Station that the McIntyre tribe was planning a raid on the station. The whites promptly carried out a pre-emptive attack, killing several Aborigines: thereafter the McIntyre tribe had good cause for resisting the white invasion.'

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Hall, 1925, pp 103-104; French, 1989, p 99. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=595

Language Group, Nation or People: Guyambal or Ngarabul or Marbal | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

A party of border police lead by Oliver Fry, Crown Lands Commissioner for the Clarence Pastoral District, 'fired without warning on a party of Aborigines near the Windeyer family's "Deepwater" station at New England killing seven men, four women and five children.' (Richard Craig to Deas Thompson, 1 July 1846, CSIL, 4/2719, 46/5747 cited in Reece, 1974, p 187)

Victims Killed: 16 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Walker 1966, p 30; Reece 1974, p 187. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=596

Language Group, Nation or People: Buandig | Colony/State/Territory at the time: SA

When settler William Brown was killed by Aborigines in the "New Country" over the South Australian border in July 1845, John Oliver and neighbours gave chase and "some" Aborigines were killed (Blair to La Trobe , 31 July 1845, cited in Critchett, 1990, p 254). According to Michael Cannon (1990, p 154), 'Many years later, James C. Hamilton, whose family worked at "Bringalbert", some distance to the north, described what happened: "A call to arms was made – the footmen going one way and the horsemen another. They were all armed with flintlock muskets and pistols of some sort – heavy, clumsy weapons they were, but effective enough. (I have put a ball into a tree at a hundred yards with one of these pistols, and used the musket successfully as a fowling piece.) It was a bad day for the ill-fated darkies. The horsemen came up with them in the ranges, behind Narracoorte, and saw one fellow carrying poor Brown's gun, and a lubra wearing his coat. They opened fire, and many of the blacks went under. They made no show of resistance, but scattered and ran for their lives" (Hamilton, cited in Cannon, 1990, pp 154-155).

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Critchett, 1990, p 254; Cannon, 1990, pp 154-155. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=547

Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

A letter from Mr W.H. Wright to Colonial Secretary Thomson, 15th January, 1846 describes a large gathering of 150 to 200 men with women and children, from lands between the Macquarie, Darling and Lachlan Rivers (Wailwan, Wongaibon and Wiradjuri people). Following this gathering a war party of 40 warriors raided 5 stations, using Maliyanga Ngurra as a defensive position (Macquarie Marshes) until Native Police and local colonists pursued them and shot 10.

W.H. Wright wrote,

'These generally known as "Myall" or wild Blacks are joined at certain periods by large parties of Aborigines frequenting the country westward of the settled portions as far as the Darling River, when as many as one hundred and fifty or two hundred men are sometimes assembled besides Women and Children...

I regret to have to report that during the past Year the "Myall" Tribes or those of the unsettled portions of the District have committed many outrages on the persons and property of the Settlers on the Macquarie River, and have evinced a boldness and determination which I believe to have been unprecedented amonst Aborigines.

...

From the time (Octr., 1844) that the Gerawhey Blacks drove

Mr. Kinghorne's Superintendent and men from his Station in the

flood which then covered the Country, Aborigines of that Tribe

have been constantly threatening and actually committing depredations

on the Settlers, and Warrants for the apprehension of eight

individuals of that Tribe were issued. But, although fully aware

of the fact and its intention, from the secure retreat they possessed

among the Macquarie Marshes and being generally informed of

the approach of any policemen, they only become bolder, and, in

September last, had assembled to the number of about forty men

at a Station near Mount Foster, which they had stated their

determination to plunder as soon as the dray which had brought the

Supplies and its attendants should return.

At this juncture, a party of Mounted Police under Sergeant

Anderson who had information of their intention came upon them;

and, as most of the individuals named in the Warrants (which he

held) were identified amongst the Tribe, he endeavoured to capture

them, but being attacked and one of his party wounded he

was compelled to fire. It is to be lamented that as many as ten

Natives were shot in this encounter with the Police. At the same

time I am convinced that, but for the appearance of the Police at

this time and the Check given to the Aborigines, they would have

pillaged many of the lower Stations and in all probability have

murdered some of the Inhabitants.

Immediately before this a body of Blacks assembled from the Bogan,

Lachlan, and country between the McQuarie and Darling Rivers, and among

them I regret to say several of the Aborigines looked upon as domesticated,

in all one hundred and fifty or two hundred men.

On the 19th August, they came on the Macquarie. and during

that and the following day plundered five Stations.

They were pursued by two of the Bligh District Border Police

and a party of Settlers, who, after an obstinate resistance by the

Natives, two of whom were shot, recovered some of the stolen

property' (HRA, I, xxv, pp 8-10).

Victims Killed: 10 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: HRA, I, xxv, pp 8-10 https://doi.org/10.26181/22300306.v1 Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=630

Language Group, Nation or People: Dadi Dadi or Weki Weki | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

To 'clear' the area of Aboriginal people for a pastoral station for William Ross, 70-80 Aboriginal men were trapped on both sides of the Murray River and shot by Frederick Walker, Edmund Morey, William Ross, John Scott, the Jackson brothers, Williams, Lee and 'two fine Murrumbidgee natives – Robin Hood and Marengo' and Mr Yeomans from the other side of the river and others. 'This broke their spirit'. (Morey, 1952 cited in Collins, 2002, p 49)

Victims Killed: 70 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Collins 2002, p 48-9 https://www.goodbyebussamarai.com/text. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=599

Language Group, Nation or People: Gadubanud | Colony/State/Territory at the time: PPD

In July 1846, surveyor George Smythe was hired to conduct a coastal survey of the Otway Ranges. Having established a base camp on the eastern shore of Cape Otway at Blanket Bay, Smythe and four others in the party marched westward towards the Aire River and when they returned to Blanket Bay six days later, they found that another member of the party, James Conroy, 'had been barbarously murdered' with a tomahawk 'about 200 yards from the tent, where he had gone to cut wood' (GA & SA, August 8, 1846, p 2). Conroy had been visited by some Gadubanud people earlier in the day and it appears he had tried to abduct an Aboriginal woman, and had been killed for his efforts. Smythe and the party buried Conroy's body and made their way back to Geelong and then to Melbourne where Smyth informed Superintendent La Trobe of the incident. Smythe then organised a punitive expedition to avenge Conroy's death, comprising 'a heavily armed posse' (Cannon, 1990, p 147) of pastoralists and stockmen, probably on horseback, and an 'armed detachment of the Barrabool tribe', employed 'under the sanction of government' (Niewojt, 2010, p 201). The party tracked down a group of the Badubanud camped on the opposite bank of the Aire river estuary. Early the following morning, the Barrabool were sent in to attack the Badubanud camp and promptly killed the chief and several women and children. Reports of the numbers killed range from eight to twenty.

Victims Killed: 8 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Geelong Advertiser and Squatter's Advocate, August 8, 1846, p 2http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article94443347 August 26, 1846 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article94446886 and August 29, 1846 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article94444706; Cannon, 1990, p 147; Niewojt, 2010, pp 193-213. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=743

Language Group, Nation or People: Dhanggati | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

On October 20, 1846, p2, the 'Sydney Morning Herald' reported: 'Accounts have been received of a great number of cattle having been speared by the blacks, at the head of the McLeay river, and at the Manning. The greatest sufferers are Messrs P. and H. Mackay in the McLeay.' Geoffrey Blomfield (1981, p 46-7), reports 'a punitive expedition led by two graziers opened fire on [Aboriginal] people swimming in [a] waterhole at the junction of [the Macleay river and Durallie Creek]. Some tried to escape by scrambling up the opposite cliff face but were "brought back with lead"'. Blomfield considers that ' [a]bout 60 men, women and children were swimming in the creek where they were all shot.' Details of the massacre were given to Blomfield by Aboriginal Elder Victor Shepherd (Blomfield, 1981, pp 46-7). For sixty people to have been shot, the punitive expedition would have to have comprised at least six well-armed horsemen.

Victims Killed: 60 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: SMH October 20, 1846, p 2 - http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article12901989; Blomfield 1981, pp 46-7. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=598

Language Group, Nation or People: Tatungalung or Krauatungalang | Colony/State/Territory at the time: PPD

In 1846, rumours reached Melbourne that a white woman, the possible survivor of a shipwreck on the Gippsland coast, had been kidnapped by Kurnai people and become the trophy of a headman, Bungalene. After the failure of an expedition led by Crown Lands Commissioner Charles Tyers, to find the white woman, two other expeditions were organised. One, a private expedition, led by Christian de Villiers and James Warman, along with six Aboriginal warriors from Westernport, and three from Gippsland and three colonists, Mr Brodie, Mr Peters and Thomas Hill, set off from Melbourne on foot in early December 1846. The other, a division of Native Police led by William Dana left headquarters at Narre Warren east of Melbourne on November 21, 1846. Historian of the Native Police, Marie Hansen Fels who provides the most detailed account of the events at the Snowy River, says that what Dana and his division did in the weeks between leaving Narre Warren and prior to the incident on 20 December is unknown (Fels 1988, p 188). The two parties met up on 15 December at Eagle Point on Lake King, where de Villiers suggested to Dana that they join forces and make the sixty miles journey to the Snowy River by water where it was believed the white woman and Bungalene were camped. But Dana refused and de Villiers and his party left that evening at 6pm (Fels 1988, p.188).

Foul weather led de Villiers to split his party in two: Warman and the three colonists would wait until the weather improved and 'proceed then to the Snowy River by boat... while he pressed on overland' with the Westernport and Gippsland Aborigines (Fels 1988, p 188). On 21 December, de Villiers' party came upon Dana and his detachment of Native Police at the Snowy River at the reed beds in Lake Curlip country between Marlo and Orbost. Dana told de Villiers 'that he had surrounded several camps of natives, and taken five prisoners, an old man, and an old woman, and three children.' (Fels 1988, p 189).

Later the Aboriginal guides with de Villiers told him that Dana and his police had shot some of the Snowy River natives (Fels 1988, p 189). The next day the two parties separated, with Dana retracing his steps to the border police station, while de Villiers proceeded up the Snowy River, where his suspicions were alerted by the unusual sight of a large area of 'trampled reed-beds' and finding 'the dead and decomposing body of a very stout Aboriginal male, about thirty years of age,' with severe wounds to the head, leg and breast, 'which his blacks told him were gunshot wounds', inflicted by the Native Police. 'Upon his return to the Tambo River three days later, de Villiers heard from a Richard Hartnett that local Aborigines had said that Mr Dana's party had shot some blacks on the Snowy River.' (Fels 1988, p 189). James Warman, added further details regarding a carbine that he found, belonging to the Native Police, which was 'bloodied and broken, with tufts of black hair clinging to it' (Fels 1988, p 189).

Corporal Owen Cowan, a border policeman who accompanied Dana and the Native Police, said that on 19 December, he had 'a hand to hand struggle' with the Aborigines, and that 'he was speared in the hand, knocked to the ground and that he had lost his carbine, fired his pistol, then regained his carbine, hit his assailant over the head with it and barely escaped with his life.' (Fels 1988, p 189).

He also said that 'At the time, the police force was split three ways around the islands and the lake at the mouth of the Snowy River, and he had only one trooper with him' (Cowan in Fels 1988, p 190). Even so, they 'rushed' an Aboriginal camp but retreated under 'a shower of spears' (Cowan in Fels 1988, p 190). The following night, December 20, Cowan surrounded another Aboriginal camp, 'coming upon' it at sunrise (Cowan in Fels 1988, p 190). But he did not say what happened next. Nor did he say whether the entire group of Native Police were involved, although Dana did say that he considered that this was the only way he could determine whether the white woman from Gippsland was with them (Fels 1988, p 190). Warman's account indicates that at least five Aboriginal people were shot ('Port Phillip Herald', February 25, 1847). Fels is not persuaded that the attack on 20 December constitutes a massacre because only one Aboriginal person was recorded killed and that the number 'became some as the story was transmitted orally, and a slaughter when it appeared in the newspapers' (Fels 1988, p 193). However, she does admit, 'It is not satisfactory now that William Dana's original report (if it existed) is missing' (Fels 1988, p 191). That the missing report did exist is demonstrated by a cover letter from Dana to Police Magistrate Lonsdale, reading, '...a copy of a report of Mr William Dana Commanding 2nd Division Native Police Gippsland respecting a collision with the natives of that District while in search of the white woman...'(Dana to Latrobe, 1847). Commissioner Tyers considered that Dana did not act with prudence and Governor Gipps questioned both Dana's authority for acting as he did and his explanation – which was 'Not satisfactory'; he acted 'with great want of discretion, to say the least of it.' (quoted in Fels 1988, p 191).

According to Gippsland historian Peter D. Gardner, the number killed by the native police overall was between 15 and 23 (Gardner 1983, p.72). The event was much debated in the media at the time. Sergeant R. McLelland of the native police argued that one person was killed, and that the eight bodies in a camp that he and the native police and then de Villier came across were not murdered but were being carried around in accordance with Aboriginal funeral customs (McLelland, 16 February 1847). Warman responded that he had never seen more than one deceased person in a camp at one time and suggested Sergeant McLelland explain why there might be eight (Warman, 23 February 1847). A close reading of Warman's published reports indicates that nine Aboriginal people were killed in the period 20-21 December 1846 (Warman, 1847). Twelve years after the expeditions, Crown Lands Commissioner C.J. Tyers, to whom the police involved reported, while answering questions under oath for a Select Committee of the Legislative Council on the Aborigines, stated, "At least fifty were killed by the native police and other aborigines attached to the parties in search of a white woman supposed to have been detained by the blacks, and a few by collision with the white people, from ten to fifteen years ago." (Tyers 1859, p 77)

Victims Killed: 50 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Dana to Lonsdale (letter), 18 January 1847, correspondence 47/105 in file 47/1394, VPRS19/P0000/Box 94; Editor, Port Phillip Herald, 18 February, 1847, https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=EVKlETVVbN8C&dat=18470218&printsec=frontpage&hl=en; McLelland, Port Philip Patriot, 16 February 1847 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/22217009; Tyers, 1859 in Report of the Select Committee of the Legislative Council on The Aborigines 1858-9, https://aiatsis.gov.au/sites/default/files/docs/digitised_collections/remove/92768.pdf; de Villiers letters, Port Phillip Patriot 22 January 1847 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/226351370; de Villiers, 13 February 1847, 'Gipps Land Expedition', Port Phillip Patriot http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article226350982; de Villiers, 16 February 1847, 'Gipps Land Expedition', Port Phillip Herald, https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=EVKlETVVbN8C&dat=18470216&printsec=frontpage&hl=en Warman, 21 January, 1847, 'To the Editor of the Port Phillip Herald', Port Phillip Herald, https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=EVKlETVVbN8C&dat=18470121&printsec=frontpage&hl=en; Warman, 22 January, 1847, 'Gipps Land Expedition', Port Phillip Patriot, http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article226351382; Warman, 23 February, 1847, 'To the Editor of the Port Phillip Herald', Port Phillip Herald, https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=EVKlETVVbN8C&dat=18470223&printsec=frontpage&hl=en; Warman, 25 February, 1847, 'Gipps Land Expedition', Port Phillip Herald, https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=EVKlETVVbN8C&dat=18470225&printsec=frontpage&hl=en; Warman, 2 March, 1847, 'Gipps Land Expedition', Port Phillip Herald, https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=EVKlETVVbN8C&dat=18470302&printsec=frontpage&hl=en; Christie, 1979; Fels 1988, pp 170-192; Fels, 1986; Gardner 1993, p 133; Meyrick, 1939; A.G.L. Shaw, 1996; Shaw, 1989; Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=550

Language Group, Nation or People: Buyibara or Yugarabul | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

On 13 April 1847, p 3, The Australian published the following: 'A few days ago, a servant of Captain Griffin, [at the Pine River], named Brown, went to the Police Magistrate and stated that, when Captain Griffin's men left the station for the lambing season, they mixed together a quantity of arsenic and flour, and then left it in the hut, expecting the blacks would visit and make use of the mixture. On their return, they found that the mixture had been eaten. Brown mentioned the name of a fellow servant (Brady) then in Brisbane, who said he knew more of the matter than himself, although he rather thought he would be an unwilling witness. Brady was brought up, but denied at first all knowledge of the matter. However, on being sworn, he recollected himself, and confirmed Brown's statement, naming two other servants who were also aware of the fact - namely, the hutkeeper who had been wounded [earlier by a 'black fellow'], and another named Coppin, the latter of whom he said had mixed the arsenic with the flour. On learning what had occurred, Captain Griffin, who was then in Brisbane, started for his station. The Police Magistrate also dispatched a constable to bring in the other two men. Captain Griffin was, however, the first to reach the station, and was on his way back to Brisbane before the constable arrived at the Pine River. When the constable at length reached the men, they were of course prepared to accompany. They had not absconded, but came down at once. They denied that any mixture had been deliberately made of the flour and arsenic by any one, but admitted that a quantity of flour only had been left in the hut, and that the blacks themselves had mixed it in a dish in which there were some remains of arsenic that had used in the preparation for the sheep. The evidence of these persons has been sent to the Attorney-General, [in Sydney] who will probably institute some further inquiries on the subject. ' '[N.B.-To have left flour on the floor, and arsenic in the identical vessel in which flour is always thrown before it can be made into damper, was only another way of "doing the trick". ED. AUST.]'

Victims Killed: 50 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: MBC Apr 24, 1847, p 2 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article3716282; The Australian Apr 13, 1847, p 3 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article37126953; Connors, 2015, pp 126-127. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=600

Language Group, Nation or People: Gunditjmara, Wulluwurrung or Djabwurrung or Gai wurrung | Colony/State/Territory at the time: PPD

In 1857 historian James Bonwick travelled to western Victoria and recorded a story told by two settlers of the region about a massacre at Mt Eccles (also known as Mt Eeles) ten years prior (circa 1847). Gunditjmara people had long used this region as a base for the guerilla resistance and, according to Bonwick, when colonists were finally able to attack in this region around 1847 the people there were 'almost exterminated' (Bonwick, 1970 , p 170).

'The Stony Rises of Eeles could reveal many a tale of rapine and murder.

It was to these pathless solitudes that the Blacks were

accustomed to drive sheep pillaged from the flocks of the early

Settlers. Secure within such stony intricacies, they would break

the legs of the animals to prevent them straying, and thus at their

leisure indulge their love of mutton. Again and again was the trail

followed by indignant shepherds; but the mighty barriers of basalt

reared their crests, piles of boulders rose in all directions, caverns

gaped before one, and the man who ventured into such a realm of

wildness found no small difficulty to escape therefrom, while he

was exposed in his stumbling career to the spear of his concealed

enemy.

Some ten years ago, however, the nest of robbers was gained, and

the tribe almost exterminated under the following circumstances.

A shepherd was murdered, his hut was rifled, and his fleecy charge

was driven off by the Eeles mob. Vengeance was demanded. The

arm of the law was too slow and weak to grasp the

offenders. The neighbours assembled, armed, and set off in pursuit.

Upon the return of the expedition, the coat and pocket book of the

shepherd were exhibited. Resistance was said to have been offered,

and shots were fired. Being interrogated as to the result of the

conflict, as to what natives were killed, the only reply obtained was,

that 'really there was such a smoke that they could see nothing.'

Having, however, heard another tale upon this journey, being in

company with one of the visitors of that region of stones upon that

occasion, I venture to unfold the mystery, or, rather, to give

another version.

The party, who, though few in number, mustered in rifles and

pistols about fifty shots, secured as guide to the Stones a half

civilized native, and were lucky enough to fall upon a stray wild

Blackfellow, who indicated the entrance into the fastnesses, and

the route of the marauders. Camping for the night without fire

within a mile or two of their unsuspecting victims, they resolved

to make an onslaught upon them at the early dawn. Rough

travelling delayed the march, and when they broke cover the

poor creatures were taking their morning meal. Without a word of

warning, the bullets of destruction were poured in among them.

Some fell at the first discharge, others snatched up their children

and tried to fly, and some warriors turned round in desperation

and seized their spears to defend their families. But all resistance

was in vain. The christians were too quick and too formidably

armed for their heathen antagonists. Mothers, husbands, babes lay

about the stones shrieking in maddening pain, moaning in dying

struggle, or still in the sleep of death. More than thirty are said to

have been thus laid low.' (Bonwick, 1970, pp 169-171)

Bonwick's informants also told him that during the massacre one of the Aboriginal guides tried to strike one of the colonists with a waddy but was himself shot, and that the other guide murdered a baby with a rock and finished off some of the dying with a weapon fashioned from a broken pair of shears (Bonwick, 1970, p 171).

[Note: this massacre was previously confused with an incident at Mt Napier in which 2 people were killed after the killing of a shepherd named Edwards, recorded in Augustus Robinson's journal entry of 2 Sep 1847 (Clark 1998f, v6, p 172).]

Victims Killed: 30 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Bonwick, 1970, pp 169-171; Broughton, 1980, p 32; Clark ID, 1995, p 49; Clark, 1998f. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=552

Language Group, Nation or People: Bigambul or Gawambaraay | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

Aboriginal people killed James Marks's son, 'Johnny', on 10 September 1847 in retaliation for his shooting and killing an Aboriginal messenger 'boy' at 'Goodar' station on the Weir River a week earlier. James Marks gathered a posse of settlers and stockmen and rode south to 'Boonall' station on the MacIntyre River where they 'found forty Aboriginal people encamped in the bend of the river' (Telfer, 1980, p 39). It appears that they shot them all and then burnt the campsite. There is no indication that the Aboriginal group was involved in the killing of Marks's son (Telfer, 1980, p 39). This was the first of several revenge killings and massacres led by Marks over more than six months in reprisal for the killing of his son.

Victims Killed: 40 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Bligh, CCL, Gwydir to CCCL, 10 Jan 1849; SRNSW, 2/7634; Watts, 1901, p 20; Webb, 1922, pp 7-12; Telfer, 1980, p 39; Copland, 1990, pp 52-54. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=601

Language Group, Nation or People: Gungabula | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

Following the massacre of forty Aboriginal people at Boonall Station by squatter James Mark in retaliation for Aboriginal people killing his son, he continued his revenge rampage with native police from Warialda and shot 47 Aboriginal people at Callandoon station (Copland, 2001, p 86). Copland wrote that, 'Marks travelled throughout the district recruiting white stockmen and landholders for a vigilante party to avenge the death of his son...' and they were joined by Chief Constables McGee and Hancock. 'From October 1847 a number of attacks upon camps of Aborigines occurred. Primary sources suggest that at least 47 Aboriginal people were killed at the hands of Marks' men.' (Copland, 2001)

Victims Killed: 47 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Tonge, nd, pp 22-24; Copland, 2001, p 85 https://www.google.com.au/books/edition/Policing_the_Lucky_Country/THpskGENKeEC?hl=en&gbpv=1&pg=PR3&printsec=frontcover; Richards, 2008, pp 65-66 https://books.google.com.au/books?id=tIYR-qSLzW0C&pg=PA44&source=gbs_toc_r&cad=2#v=onepage&q&f=false; SMH October 15, 1847 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article12901587. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=602

Language Group, Nation or People: Gumbaynggnir | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

In December 1847, Crown Lands Commissioner, Oliver Fry, based at Grafton, was told by a stockman and at least one Aboriginal man that on 29 November 1847, squatter Thomas Coutts had poisoned 23 Aboriginal people by offering them damper laced with arsenic at his station at Kangaroo Creek. In January 1848 Fry set off for Kangaroo Creek Station to investigate. He found human remains at the Aboriginal camp on the station but they were too decomposed for analysis. He ordered the arrest of Coutts, charged him with murder and sent him to Sydney on the ship Phoenix under armed guard. In the Sydney magistrate's court he was bailed for 1,000 pounds to appear in the Supreme Court in May 1848. In May however, he was discharged for lack of evidence. The stockman who reported the crime was under arrest for another crime and the Aboriginal witnesses were prevented by law from presenting evidence in court (MMHRGA, February 2, 1848, p 3). However, the Attorney General, J.H. Plunkett, was 'in no moral doubt' that Coutts had poisoned the Aboriginal people and caused their deaths (Lydon, 1996, pp 159-60).

Victims Killed: 23 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: HRA I, xxvi, p 392, 396 https://opal.latrobe.edu.au/articles/book/Historical_records_of_Australia_Series_I_Governors_despatches_to_and_from_England_Volume_XXVI_October_1847-December_1848_edited_by_Frederick_Watson_/22300309; Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser, February 2, 1848, p 3 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article713447; Lydon 1996, p 151-175. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=603

Language Group, Nation or People: Bigambul from north of the Macintyre | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

According William Telfer (1980, p 71), after a stockman named Tierney was killed by the Bigambul at Warroo station on the banks of the Balonne River, a number of 'white men were cooped up and besieged for a week in the hut without ammunition or provisions...the whites Escaped at night it being very dark and they made their way to the head Station down the other side of the River the blacks never missed them till next day the aboriginals Encamped there fisching (sic) and killing some of the Cattle and having a Great Feast to celebrate their victory but the whites only went for help returning the Second night after leaving with twenty five men well armed and plenty ammunition also having as allies the tribe of aboriginals on the western Side of the River to the number of 1 hundred and fifty warriors the Enemy were encamped in fancied Security having no sentries went to sleep from which they were surprised and shot down like so many sheep if they Excaped (sic) from the whites they were masacred (sic) by the savage tribe of aboriginals very few Escaped they said there were fully two hundred slain those were all buried in one large pit in front of the old hut the large mound was there when i (sic) passed that way covered by green grass...' (Telfer, 1980, p 71). The discrepancy between 25 colonists with 150 Aboriginal allies, and 200 claimed victims, suggests this might be an exaggeration, and perhaps about 100 people were killed.

The location 'Warroo' should not be confused with another historical pastoral station of the same name near Stanthorpe. Telfer is clear the location is the banks of the Balonne. An advertisement from 1859 describes a run including 'Burgurrah' and 'Warroo' on the Balonne near Surat (SMH, 27 Sep 1859, p 8). A 1940s map of Queensland pastoral runs marks 'Warro' just north of North Burgurrah, both being on the Balonne north of St George (Robinson, 194?).

Victims Killed: 100 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Telfer, 1980, pp 17-18, 71; Collins, 2002, pp 18-22; SMH, 27 Sep 1859, p 8 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/28629690; Robinson, 194?, http://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-574759975 Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=605

Language Group, Nation or People: Mandandanji or Bigambul or Wirray Wirray or Kogai | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

In reprisal for an Aboriginal attack on Burgurrah station, 'a lot of Stockmen mustered to fight them with swords and guns they charged the blacks on horseback shooting and cutting them down as they fled. A few of the whites were wounded but none killed. About forty of the blacks were slain including one of the Chiefs' (Telfer, 1980, p 70). Carried out by at least 10 armed stockmen.

Victims Killed: 40 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Telfer, 1980, p 70; Collins, 2002, p 18. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=606

Language Group, Nation or People: Wemba Wemba or Wadi Wadi | Colony/State/Territory at the time: PPD

According to Michael Cannon (1990, p 231), in June/July 1848, 'ugly rumours began to spread that up to twenty natives had been poisoned on the Beveridge family's run between today's Swan Hill and Piangil. The original information came from a shearer on the Murray, who, according to Assistant Protector Parker, "stated in a neighbouring wool shed that a Mr Beveridge had 'settled' the blacks by leaving a quantity of poisoned flour in their way, and that numbers had been killed by it"' (Parker cited in Cannon 1990, p 231). 'Parker despatched some of his Station blacks to the junction of the Loddon and Murray to "make enquiries". They returned with almost identical information from blacks on Edward Curr's and Archibald Campbell's runs: "they were informed that seven or eight natives had been destroyed"' (Cannon, 1990, p 230).

'The story fitted fairly precisely with rumours heard by Dr James Horsburgh at Goulburn River Aboriginal Station. …Parker was commissioned to obtain further evidence if he could. In February 1849 he was told by natives from Lake Bael Bael that "a number of the blacks of Tarrkgoondeet tribe [the 'reed-spear tribe' of the lower Murray] have been poisoned some months since by white men at a place called Bapparrinok"' (Parker cited in Cannon, 1990, p 230-231). When La Trobe pressed for more 'information to the Bench of Magistrates at Moulamein, north-east of Swan Hill, on the Sydney side of the Murray River, Patrick Brougham JP, replied that he "certainly some months ago heard a report of the same [alleged poisoning], but took no notice of it, as groundless rumours have frequently been spread of natives having been killed"'(Brougham cited in Cannon, 1990, p 231).

Victims Killed: 20 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Cannon, 1990, pp 230-231. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=553

Language Group, Nation or People: Wattatonga | Colony/State/Territory at the time: SA

In September 1848 settler James Brown and two employees at Avenue Range station near Guichen Bay, shot and killed eight Wattatonga people and burnt the bodies. The body burning was witnessed by a white man who reported the massacre and then disappeared along with an Aboriginal man who was also a witness. Brown was arrested and charged with murder and the employees absconded. The Aboriginal witness was probably killed before he could be subpoenaed to give evidence at the trial. As a result Brown was never tried and the case was dropped (Foster et al, 2001, pp 78-80; Foster, 2009, pp 1-15).

Victims Killed: 9 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Foster and Nettelbeck, 2001, pp 78-80; Foster, 2009, pp 1-15. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=694

Language Group, Nation or People: Mandandanji | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

According to Collins (2002, p 36), Settler Allan Macpherson, with a team of ten well-armed men, along with Crown Lands Commissioner Jack Durbin, and a party of border police, shot forty Aboriginal people at Yamboucal station. The massacre was in reprisal for Aboriginal warriors killing two bullock drivers from Macpherson's Mt Abundance Station who were taking wool by waggon to Brisbane for sale. According to William Telfer, the Aboriginal attack on the bullock drivers took place forty six kilometres 'on the Condamine side of Roma' (Telfer, 1980, p 43).

Victims Killed: 40 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Telfer, 1980, p 43; Collins, 2002, pp 36-37. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=608

Language Group, Nation or People: Wiriyaraay or Gawambaraay | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

The massacre was carried out by 14 native police and 20 squatters and their men, led by Frederick Walker, as revenge for deaths of stockmen in the region (Collins, 2002, p. 63). W B Tooth, MLA, the local member, participated in the event. He said in evidence to an inquiry that 'Mr. Walker met the blacks killing cattle close to my camp, and they had a stand up fight for it. The blacks were so completely put down on that occasion and terrified of the power of the Police, that they never committed any more depredations near there. The place was quiet at once, and property became fifty per cent more valuable' (NSWLC V&P 1858 vol 2 p 880). The estimate of 100 Aboriginal people killed comes from the drover William Telfer, Jr (cited in Collins, 2002, p 63).

Victims Killed: 100 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Skinner 1975, pp 29-31 https://espace.library.uq.edu.au/view/UQ:193014 ; NSWLC V&P 1858 vol. 2. p 880 https://aiatsis.gov.au/sites/default/files/docs/digitised_collections/remove/91884.pdf; Copland 1990, p 111 https://espace.library.uq.edu.au/view/UQ:328072 ; Collins 2002, p 63 https://www.goodbyebussamarai.com/text. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=609

Language Group, Nation or People: Marbal or Guyambul | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

Drawing on the personal reminiscences of John Watts, a former member of the Qld Legislative Assembly, Skinner (1975, p 30) says that a native police detachment led by Frederick Walker, hid under the dray of the carrier known as 'The Smiler' when he arrived at Beebo station on the Macintyre River. When a group of Aboriginal warriors arrived at the carrier's camp, 'dressed in "war paint", the police discharged their guns and the natives immediately retreated into the scrub where formerly they were safe as no white man dared follow.' However the Native Police immediately followed the Aborigines and in the words of Watts, 'the number they killed no one but the commander and themselves ever knew' (Skinner, 1975, pp 30-31).

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Skinner, 1975, pp 30-31. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=610

Language Group, Nation or People: Nawu | Colony/State/Territory at the time: SA

In oral histories collected by Christina Smith one account relates that: In May 1849 a 'local shepherd, Patrick Dwyer, annoyed at Aboriginal people taking flour from his hut, laced some of his supply with arsenic. The flour disappeared and eight Aboriginal people became sick after eating it. Five of them died and three others became very ill and later died. Dwyer was arrested on suspicion of murder but released afterwards for lack of evidence.' He then disappeared to California (Foster et al, 2001, p 83).

Victims Killed: 8 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Foster et al, 2001, p 83. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=696

Language Group, Nation or People: Wirangu, Nauo | Colony/State/Territory at the time: SA

In reprisal for Aboriginal killing of Captain James Rigby Beevor on 3 May 1849 and Anne Easton on 7 May 1849 it is possible that a settler posse chased a group of Wirangu and Nauo people to Waterloo Bay on 17 May and shot and killed at least 10 of them as they sought refuge in the bushes down the headland (Foster et al, 2001, p 53).

The 'massacre' is highly contested. Foster and Nettelbeck point out that 'there is no "direct" evidence...in the official documents from the period 1848-1850.' They also point out that: 'Similarly there is no "direct" evidence in the memoirs written by individuals who were directly involved in the events of 1848-1849' (Foster et al, 2001, p 50).

However, they do acknowledge that on 16 May 1849, '"there were three parties of volunteers out at that time", and that according to historian Greg Charter, "that if the massacre took place it occurred following the Beevor and Easten murders"' (Charter quoted in Foster et al, 2001, pp 53-54). The Aboriginal community in the region are in no doubt that the massacre took place.

Victims Killed: 10 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Foster et.al, 2001, pp 44-73. See also: Burgoyne 2000, p 114; and Gage, 2017. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=698

Language Group, Nation or People: Bigambul | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

A detachment of Native police, possibly led by Frederick Walker, attacked Umbercollie Station (leased by Jonathan and Margaret Young) during the day in June 1849 and slaughtered 12 of their Bigumbal workers. It appears to have been a follow up of the attack on Umbercollie station by settler James Mark and seven stockmen a year earlier in June 1848 where two Bigumbal women were killed. The reason for the second attack appears to have been in reprisal for Jonathan Young's report of the earlier attack to Police Magistrate Richard Bligh (Tonge, nd). Bligh, however, was unable to get Jonathan and Margaret Young to openly identify four of the killers that he arrested following their identification by one of the Young's Aboriginal workers. Bligh charged the four men with murder and sent them to Maitland for trial at the District Court on 12 February 1849. When Bligh sent the papers for the case to the Attorney General in Sydney, he was told that unless the Youngs were prepared to openly identify the killers, a conviction was unlikely. So the case did not proceed and the four stockmen held in custody at Maitland were released. Copland (1990) suggests that the June 1849 attack was designed to further intimidate the Youngs for daring to break the code of silence that prevailed on the frontier about the unrestrained killing of Aboriginal people.

Victims Killed: 12 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Tonge, (ML); Copland, 1990, pp 52-77; Goodall, 1999, pp 260-279. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=993

Language Group, Nation or People: Taribelang | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

On 4 June 1849, following the Aboriginal killing of the Pegg brothers, employed as shepherds on Gregory Blaxland's Gin Gin station, Blaxland and his nephew William Forster organised a punitive party of over 50 station hands and squatters including the Thompson Brothers of Walla Station They travelled downstream and located a large Aboriginal camp in dense scrub, in an area that has since become known as 'The Cedars'. Clem Lack reported: 'The white man attacked at piccaninny dawn. More than 100 myalls were asleep, gorged with roast mutton, in groups around the ashes of burnt out fires, half a mile away from the waters of the Burnett. The affray was one of the bloodiest in Queensland frontier history, although no white man was killed. Many of the Aboriginals escaped by plunging into the Burnett and swimming to the other side. Some were picked off by marksmen and sank beneath the surface. More than half a century later, ploughmen at The Cedars…brought to light grim relics. Skulls, bones, some tomahawks, boomerangs, and other weapons...' (Lack, 1967).

Victims Killed: 60 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Coffey, 2006; Lack, 1967, np.; Laurie, 1959 Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=611

Language Group, Nation or People: Mandandanji or Bigambul or Wirray Wirray or Kogai | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

William Telfer, a young stockman visiting the Balonne River region in 1858 heard from Constable Duane of Tamworth who was formerly stationed at Surat in 1849 of 'a fight with the Blacks' at Talavera station on the Balonne River. '[T]he blacks made a good stand but were put to rout losing their Chief (Willari) who was shot with about fifty others...' (Telfer, 1980, p 42). According to Collins (2002, p 42), Crown Lands Commissioner Jack Durbin and a posse of stockmen were involved. According to Telfer (Telfer, 1980, p 42), in the battle 'several of the whites were speared none dangerously.' This would suggest that the battle was probably an ambush.

Victims Killed: 50 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Telfer, 1980, p 42; Collins, 2002, pp 20, 42-43. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=612

Language Group, Nation or People: Tatungalung or Brabralung | Colony/State/Territory at the time: VIC

'Kurnai people were surprised' by a party of stockmen 'while feasting on the banks of the lagoon' behind the rugged limestone outcrop called Pyramids. I [Macleod] killed a bullock for them and they ate until they were sick.' (MacLeod cited in Gardner, 2001, pp 76-78) Then stockmen and Aborigines from outside the region trapped them against a bluff, and 15-20 were shot and killed and the bodies 'thrown in the river at a spot where the river flows under the hill' (Armstrong cited in Gardner, 2001, p 80). It would appear that this massacre occurred before the Brodribb River massacre and was a closely guarded secret. Gippsland historian Peter Gardner suggests that it is possible that an Aboriginal youth, possibly Charlie Hammond, survived the massacre.

Victims Killed: 15 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Gardner, 2001, pp 76-82, 84-85; Broome, 2005, p 81. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=554

Language Group, Nation or People: Dhauwurd wurrung | Colony/State/Territory at the time: VIC

The massacre at Murderers Flat near Lake Condah Mission is recorded in the oral history of Gunditjmara people (Hope, 2021).

Reconstructing from oral records, Clark believes the incident happened in the early 1850s at a site 'known to the Kerup gundidj (more commonly known as the Kerreupjmara) as Murderers Flat,' or Darlot's Creek, Lake Condah Mission (Clark, 1995, p 52). Aboriginal woman Rose Donker nee Lovett (Donker, 1985, p 18, cited in Clark, 1995, p 52) has recounted what she knows of the massacre: '"My grandmother was Hannah MacDonald [later Lovett]. When she was small she walked with her brother Alfred and her mother from Macarthur to Condah Swamp. My grandmother was carried on her mother's back. They were looking for some place to live. They came to the Condah Swamp and there they found other Aboriginal people and families living there. There was a massacre there and they hid with their mother in the reeds until the fighting was over and then they headed off looking for somewhere safe. We were always told that Murderers Flat was where the fighting was. They were taken in and lived on the Condah Mission. I then understood they lived there as children, then as time went on they grew up there"' (Donker, 1985, p 18 cited in Clark, 1995, p 52). According to Clark, 'In Jo Sharrock's reminiscences of Lake Condah (see Savill, 1976, cited in Clark, 1995, p 52), he refers to "Harelip" Johnny Dutton, who claimed to have been one of the few survivors of the "Murdering Waterhole Massacre" as a small boy. He hid in the water among the reeds' (Savill, 1976 cited in Clark, 1995, p 52). As both accounts refer to hiding in the reeds in the same area, they most likely are two accounts of the same incident (Clark, 1995, p 52).

The date of this massacre is difficult to estimate from oral history. Accepting that Hannah McDonald and her brother were children when they witnessed the massacre with their mother, Clark notes estimates of the date this occurred vary from 1842 to 1875 (Clark, 1995 p 52). Clark calculates dates between 1849 and 1854 based on Hannah McDonald's age of 91 at death in 1940 (Clark, 1995, p54). Connor, on the other hand, notes that she died in 1946 and estimates Hannah McDonald was born either in 1855 or, based on marriage certificates, in 1859 and her brother in 1860 (Connor, 2021). If she were 5 at the time of the massacre, and she was 91 when she died in 1946 (Portland Guardian Aug 22, 1946, p 4), the massacre would have occurred in 1860. No birth certificate for Hannah McDonald is available so her age is not certain. As this is a late date for a massacre in this region, 1860 or earlier is most likely.

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Hope, 2021 https://www.theage.com.au/national/victoria/a-moment-of-truth-how-hearing-our-first-nations-can-change-this-state-20210310-p579ky.html; Clark ID, 1995, p 52; Connor, 2021; Portland Guardian Aug 22, 1946, p 4 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/64408722 Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=556

Language Group, Nation or People: Mandandanji or Barunggam | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

On 15 March 1850, the Superintendent of Wallann Station, James Bennett, said in an affidavit: "Mr Marshall [an officer in charge of a detachment of native police]...arrived here about the beginning of the month, and I called on him for assistance… Mr John Ferrett (a co-owner) of Wallann and myself accompanied by Mr Marshall and the Native Police, on the tracks of the Blacks -- and in three days came up on them -- some blacks ran away, and a portion of them remained and resisted Mr Marshall's endeavours to apprehend them -- It was therefore deemed necessary to fire upon them, and an affray took place, in which some fell -- Having dispersed the Natives we examined their camp, and found several articles ...taken from this station when it was burnt down in April last [i.e. 1849, before Walker's first Lower Condamine patrol] -- We also recognised amongst the Blacks who had fallen two natives who were present on the occasion referred to when I may add that the Hut Keeper was murdered -- I did not count the number of natives slain' (Bennett cited in Collins, 2002, p 96).

The Moreton Bay Courier reported that 'the natives were dispersed with some loss, and I have no doubt, from the lesson taught them, that it will render the safety of this part of the country permanent, as their resistance on this occasion has proved of no avail' (MBC, April 6, 1850), indicating that a large number of people were killed.

Historian Patrick Collins (2002, pp 96-101) considers that the massacre was an 'encounter of major proportions and that many Aborigines died, rather than the tiny number implied by Bennett in his affidavit', an encounter in which Aboriginal people were 'pursued through the scrub' (2002, p 97). Collins suggests the attack was in preparation for putting the station up for sale and to assure potential buyers that it was safe from Aboriginal attack (2002, pp 96-101). The attack was carried out by Lt Richard Marshall and his detachment of native police with support from James Bennett and John Ferrett, in reprisal for the Mandandanji attack on Wallann Station and burning it down in April 1849.

Victims Killed: 30 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: MBC, April 6, 1850, p 2 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article3712394; Collins, 2002, pp 92-101; Copland et al, 2006, p 62. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=613

Language Group, Nation or People: Mandandanji or Barunggam | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

Sergeant Skelton and Matthew McGrath with detachments of native police arrived at Ukabulla station in early October 1850 in search of Mandandanji refugees who had moved to the Maranoa from the Dawson pastoral district regions. With the assistance of local stockmen Skelton, McGrath and their native police detachments conducted a clearing out operation that involved running down the Mandandanji in daylight (Collins, 2002, p 203).

Victims Killed: 13 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Collins, 2002, p 203. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=614

Language Group, Nation or People: Krauatungalang | Colony/State/Territory at the time: VIC

On 2 May 1851, station cook Dan Moylan at Macleod's station at Orbost abducted a young girl from the Krauatungalang people, tied her up and over the following three days, raped her. Her people tried to rescue her but Moylan kept them at bay with his gun and the hot coals he scattered around the outside of the hut. Eventually they killed Moylan with spears, rescued the girl and burnt down his hut. News of Moylan's killing quickly spread through the white community. According to Pepper and De Araugo, (1985, pp 99-101) the settlers took the law into their own hands, and with the assistance of Aboriginal warriors from the Mitchell River, tracked Moylan's killers to Milly Creek where it runs into the Brodribb River. There they 'cleaned up the tribe' but two boys including Harry Darramungie were lucky to get away and others swam the Snowy River to Lake Watt Watt. However the settlers followed them to Buchan where more white men joined the party and eventually found their prey camped near The Pyramids. They then drove the Aboriginal people over the cliffs to the Murrindal River below and their remains are believed to lie at the base of Limestone Cliff.

Victims Killed: 15 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Pepper and De Araugo, 1985, pp 99-101; Gardner, 2001, pp 82-85; Broome, 2005, p 81. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=555

Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander Place Name: K'Gari | Language Group, Nation or People: [Butchulla] or a collection of clans that had sought refuge on the island | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

[NOTE: this site is being reviewed]

According to Lauer (1977), after almost a decade of conflict between colonists and Aboriginal people in the 'Wide Bay' region, Aboriginal people had established K'Gari (Fraser Island) as a base of operations:

'Following these engagements, the Aborigines withdrew to Fraser Island, which, according to the whites, they seemed to be using as a convenient natural fortress, for the avoidance of European reprisal raids. At a meeting of the three Native Police officers with Magistrate Bidwell and local squatter, Edward B. Uhr, in mid-February 1851, it was maintained that on previous occasions the natives had retired to the island "after committing murders" and that this place was tactically regarded by them "as a stronghold from which they can issue at any time to commit fresh crimes."' (Lauer, 1977, p 52)

Between 24 December 1851 and 3 January 1852 a punitive expedition led by Commandant Frederick Walker, Lt Marshall and Sgt Major Dolan, and 24 troopers along with the captain and crew of the schooner 'Margaret and Mary', who were all armed and sworn in as special constables, was carried out on Fraser Island to 'break up' Aboriginal clans that had sought sanctuary on the island. According to Lauer, Walkers report cautious in it's details, unbelievable in parts and did not account for many days, even though 'This campaign of 1851-2 - the largest Native Police manoeuvre in the Northern Districts to that date - seems to mark another turning point in frontier relations.' (Lauer, 1977, p54) Walker did report that 'on the 24th, his troopers fired on retreating boats of natives, and "several balls struck", as well as how, on the night of the 27th, the Fraser Islanders "made frequent attempts to surprise the Native Police camp", again suffering casualties in doing so.' (Lauer, 1977, p54)

According to colonists at the time Aboriginal people were 'driven into the sea, and kept there as long as daylight and life lasted' (Lauer, 1977).

Some comparable details, such as the deputisation of colonists, the killings on the beach and victims driven into the water, suggest this may be the same, or related to a massacre written from oral history by Vic Collins. According to Vic Collins a massacre took place just to the south of K'Gari on the mainland at Teewah Beach, north of Noosa: 'The convicts were given their freedom provided they donned a red uniform (Red Coats) to keep the blacks in order. Stationed at Maryborough word came of a tribe of blacks stealing sheep from Mannumbar Station (on their way bay from Bunya Mts) Noosa blacks were blamed. The Red Coats track them to Teewah Beach. They were ordered to ride out on the beach and shoot the men (single shot muzzle loaders) then use swords on the remainder which they did. But children took to the water, so the officer in charge ordered the red coats to ride their horeses into the surf and trample the children till they drowned.' (Collins, 2000)

Victims Killed: 50 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Lauer, 1977 https://espace.library.uq.edu.au/view/UQ:1dac35b; SMH, January 22, 1852 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/1509723; Collins, 2000. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=615

Language Group, Nation or People: Yura - Adnyamathanha | Colony/State/Territory at the time: SA

On 14 March 1852 stockman Robert Richardson was killed by Yura warriors at Aroona station in the Flinders Ranges. Two Yura men, 'Billy' and 'Jemmy' were arrested for the murder, but were not brought to trial for lack of evidence. In 1929, the reminiscences of Richardson's employer, Johnson Frederick Hayward, were published in the 'Proceedings' of the Royal Geographical Society of Australasia (South Australia Branch).

According to Foster and Nettelbeck (2001, p 102), in the aftermath of the Richardson killing, Hayward 'with several companions ascertained where the Yuras were camped, in a gorge between the Heysen and ABC ranges, about four miles from Youngoona and thirteen miles south of Aroona homestead [and in Hayward's words] "determined to attack them at dawn" and capture the males, among them those suspected of Richardson's murder'... Hayward describes "a good fusillade" on the Yura camp' (Foster and Nettelbeck, 2001, p 102). Initially Hayward insisted that most had escaped and a few were wounded but in a later account in his own hand he states '... that we had killed 40, 50 or 60 blackfellows' with the numbers crossed out and replaced with '15 or 20'. The number killed appears as 15 in the final publication of this account (Foster and Nettelbeck, 2001, p 102).

Victims Killed: 15 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Foster and Nettelbeck, 2001, pp 94-105. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=695

Language Group, Nation or People: Mandandanji | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

According to Collins (2002, p 164), native police officer Sergeant Richard Dempster permitted a stockman named Johnston from Yamboucal station to lead native police troopers and other stockmen in a 'collision' with the Mandandanji people, one and a half kilometres from Surat, the headquarters of Crown Lands Commissioner Henry Whitty and Clerk of Petty Sessions Luke Sibthorpe. According to Collins (2002, p 164), on 20 April 1852 Dempster and his detachment of six native police were ordered by Lt George Fulford to visit William Ogilvie junior's Wachoo station where the 'blacks are killing and disturbing the cattle'. 'Should any collisions occur...with the hostile blacks you will use every endeavour upon your part to prevent the unnecessary effusion of blood and sacrifice for life' (Fulford in Collins 2002, pp 164-165). Between 9 and 15 May 1852, Dempster 'and some of his troopers became sick and rested at Wachoo. While they were recovering, Dempster allowed a station worker...Johnston to lead the remainder of the troopers in pursuit of the wanted Mandandanji' (on Yamboucal station). According to Collins, when Commissioner Whitty became aware of a 'collision' between the native police led by Johnston and the Mandandanji at Yamboucal station, and warned Dempster to call in his troopers at once (Collins, 2002, p 171), because he could be accused of breaking the law in allowing a civilian to lead a native police detachment. Collins believes that an investigation was carried out into Dempster's behaviour and that he was suspended for three months but the affidavits and the report are missing from the archives. Collins considers that a witness to the Yamboucal massacre, George Neale, told of the massacre to explorer Hovenden Hely who was in the area at the time, conducting a search for the missing explorer, Leichhardt (Collins, 2002, pp 173-179). It is unknown how many Mandananji were killed on Yamboucal station.

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Collins, 2002, pp 164-179. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=616

Language Group, Nation or People: Baanbay | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

According to settler Joshua Scholes, after Baanbay warriors killed Mrs Sullivan, the wife of a shepherd, at Aberfoyle Station, Constable Michael Clogher from Kempsey Police Station and a party of armed settlers set off on horseback in pursuit. They followed Baanbay people to Paddys Land where they surrounded them 'and shot down as many as they could' (Uralla Times and District Advocate, 19 April 19, 1923, p 1). Clogher had a cavalry sword and was an excellent shot with pistols (Daily Examiner, October 28, 1942, p 1). There are various spellings of the name of the constable in the sources. Some use 'Clogher' while others use 'Clogger'. The name 'Constable Michael Cloggan' (Uralla Times and District Advocate, 19 April 19, 1923, p 1) appears to be a confusion of 'Clogher' with the name of the 'Coghlan' family in the area, and also the author of some of the anecdotes (Don Dorrigo Gazette and Guy Fawkes Advocate, 27/10/1939).

Victims Killed: 10 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Uralla Times and District Advocate, April 19, 1923, p 1 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article174406980; Don Dorrigo Gazette, October 27, 1939, p 2 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article171867043, and August 3, 1945, p 5 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article173132006 and September 25, 1953, p 9 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article173137674; Daily Examiner, October 28, 1942, p 1 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article194065802; Dungog Chronicle, June 7, 1932, p 4 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article141145816; Clayton-Dixon 2019, p 95. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=942

Language Group, Nation or People: Baanbay | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

The murder of 5 members of the Meldrum family in the Bald Hills area was reported in August 1852:

'On the 23rd instant, information was given to the Armidale

police that a most dreadfull massacre had been committed the day before, at the Bald Hills' station,

(Mr. Allen's) in this district, near the Clarence line

of road. The unfortunate sufferers were Mary

Mason, and her two children, of the respective

ages of 3 and 18 months, and John Meldrum ...

On the information being received,

the chief constable proceeded to the scene, but

could not succeed in capturing any of the scoundrels;

in fact, the police force in this district is so miserably deficient in numbers, that life is not safe even

in the vicinity of the town from these savages. We

trust that the Inspector-General of Police will see

the necessity of immediately supplying the deficiency: otherwise it is likely that the people will

either leave their various employments in the bush,

or take the law into their own hands'

(The Goulburn Herald and County of Argyle Advertiser, 18 Sep 1852, p 3).

According to an article published in 1932, Major Parke led a group of colonists who shot a 'great number' of Aboriginal people in reprisal for the killing of the Meldrum family. The date given as '1856' in this article is most likely a misprint, as the murders occurred in 1852.

'In 1856 aboriginals attacked

Meldrum's home and killed all the inmates with the exception of a baby

who had been thrown against a wall

and left there stunned. A man named

Imray (or Emery), who had been out

on the run shepherding sheep, on his

return to the homestead found the

bodies of the murdered people and also

discovered the baby which had re

covered and was lying beside a cat.

The blacks who were responsible for

the tragedy were tracked over the

rough country and were discovered on

a creek on the Macleay. A great number of them were shot by Major Parke

and other residents of the district who

had joined in the chase' (Dungog Chronicle: Durham and Gloucester Advertiser, 7 Jun 1932, p 4).

Indigenous historian Callum Clayton-Dixon summarised the sequence of events thus: 'Following the killing of several colonists in the Bald Hills area in August 1852, a group of Aboriginal people were chased to the edge of a sheer bluff south of Ebor and were either shot or pushed over the edge, probably both. Constable Michael Clogher and Major Edward Parke were two of the main perpetrators' (Clayton-Dixon 2019, p.138).

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Clayton-Dixon 2019; The Goulburn Herald and County of Argyle Advertiser, 18 Sep 1852, p 3 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/101732642; Dungog Chronicle: Durham and Gloucester Advertiser, 7 Jun 1932, p 4 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/141145816 Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=1071

Language Group, Nation or People: Gamilaraay, Bigambul | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

In a lecture on 'The Kamilaroi Blacks' the Rev. William Ridley reported that on the 29th September, 1853 stockmen told him of a massacre of 19 Aboriginal people killed by the Native Police near Mr Pearce's station on Mooni Creek, now Mooni or Moonie River.

'At the Brothers [a pastoral station near the Barwon River] I heard the details of a lamentable and recent slaughter of blacks. Some stockmen who were driving a herd of cattle down from Mooni Creek to the Murrumbidgee, related that on coming to a station of Mr. Pearce's on Mooni Creek, they saw nineteen blackfellows "doubled up," that is lying dead in the writhing attitude of their last agony. They had been killed the evening before by a party of black police and some white men belonging to the station.

The stockmen who described the event, said that the wild blacks who were shot were coming down to attack the station; chiefly for the purpose of killing the blacks who had settled there; so that the charge which laid them prostrate was a necessary act in defence of those blacks who had a claim on the protection of their employers. It is quite true that the wild blacks often entertain bitter enmity against those of their race who have become somewhat civilised by association with the whites; just as among our own forefathers, when the savage Danes found their kindred tribes the Angles and Saxons bereft of their ferocity by the influence of Christianity, they hated them with intense hatred for their softness.

But in this case I afterwards heard, on better authority, that the wild blacks had made no attempt on the station, or on the lives of the blacks connected with it; that the only plea for this act of butchery was that they had been spearing cattle, and it was surmised that they meant to attack the station; so the police and their instigators, having tracked them to a spot near the station, came unawares upon them, and poured their death volley into the midst of them.

Even those who sought to justify the deed by the plea of necessity, spoke with such undisguised gratification of the result, as to show plainly that they welcomed it as a gain instead of enduring it as a dire necessity. The murderous spirit-no other epithet would correctly describe it-the murderous spirit in which not a few rejoice at the frequent slaughter and anticipated extinction of the blacks is appalling. If, while the brutalized and ferocious delight in such deeds, and resolve to repeat them, those who have still the feelings of men keep silence on the subject and so wrap it up, will not the Lord, the Righteous Judge of all, make inquisition for blood, and be avenged on a nation where such crimes are winked at?' (Empire, 3 Dec 1853 p 3).

A much earlier article in the Morning Chronicle indicates that Mr Pearce's station on the Moonie River was 'Gnoolamata', north of the intersection of the Moonie and Barwon Rivers (Morning Chronicle, 4 Fed 1846, p 2). This is most likely the same run as is marked on a map of pastoral runs as 'Cholamatta' just over the Queensland border (Reuss & Browne, 1860).

While the Rev. Ridley, wrote the massacre was 'recent' in September 1853, Patrick Collins, a historian of the Maranoa District frontier, speculates that this occurred in 1852 and was carried out by Sergeant Dempster leading a contingent of Native Police from Wandai Gumbal. According to Collins, this could explain why Aboriginal people from the Moonie River had travelled east to carry out attacks south of the Callandoon Native Police Barracks, around Carbuckey Station and Boobera Lagoon (Collins, 2002, pp 198-199).

Victims Killed: 19 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Empire, 3 Dec 1853 p 3 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/60146903; Morning Chronicle 4 Feb 1846 p 2 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/31747287; Reuss and Browne, 1860 https://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-230694679; Collins, 2002, pp 198-199 https://www.goodbyebussamarai.com/text. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=617

Language Group, Nation or People: Bundjalung | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

This massacre was carried out by native police in 1854 as reprisal for the alleged killing of two white men north of the Tweed River. There was no evidence that the Bundjalung at Angel's beach were involved in the alleged killing of the white men. Ainsworth estimates that 30 Bundjalung were killed (Ainsworth 1987, p45-6). A Memorial to the massacre was erected at Angel's Beach in 2001.

Victims Killed: 30 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Ainsworth 1987, p 45-6. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=629

Language Group, Nation or People: Wiradjuri | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

According to an article in the Labor Daily, 1 Jan 1926, p 8, the death of Mr Jeremiah Rodgers was noted. 'He was one of the first residents in this [Narrandera] district, having been brought here with his brother Henry, 73 years ago [1853]. His father took charge of Brewarrina Station, and he managed the holding for 26 years... The pastoralists at that time experienced trouble from the blacks, who used to spear the cattle. So troublesome were they that the whites determined to deal with them in a summary manner. The whites drove the natives on to an island below Buckingbong and wrought such havoc in their ranks that the Island is even now known as "Murdering Island"' (Labor Daily, 1 Jan 1926, p 8).

The name 'Murdering Island' was mentioned in 1873 (Wagga Wagga Express and Murrumbidgee District Advertiser, 5 November 1873, p 2). An article in 1895 gave the following account of how the place got its name: 'From the top of the hill also can be faintly discerned, what is described in Boldrewood's novel as the "Murdering Lake," but which is known as the Murdering Island, on which were massacred some thirty-five years ago about 300 blacks. There are said to be two sides to the story. Some say that the only crime the blacks had been guilty of was that of stealing cattle. But certain it is that neither gins nor picanninies were spared. All were murdered on this island, and their bones, I am told, were lying bleaching there for years till a flood washed them away. It is said that an old blackfellow, named Mungo, escaped by diving under the water. I went a long way to have an interview with this old warrior, and found him partly drunk; but when I told him what I required his black eyes flashed beneath his white shaggy eyebrows as he grunted out the ghastly details, which, however, were of so spasmodic a nature that I could not glean much from his ravings. "Yes," he said, "white fellow kill blackfellow, gin, picaninny. What you do white fellow kill another white fellow? — you put him in gaol — white fellow kill black fellow, no matter — black fellow no account"' (Freeman's Journal, 5 January 1895, p 17).

In 1935 the Daily Advertiser reported, 'Another old Narandera identity, Mungo, was fond of describing his escape from death at the time of the massacre of the "Murdering Island," when the settlers rounded up a great number on this little mud island in mid stream, and from either bank shot them down till very few escaped. One of these latter was Mungo, then a boy. He escaped by securing a long hollow reed and holding it in his mouth to breathe through when he dropped under water, as was frequently done by the blacks in catching wild ducks. He lay below the surface for hours till all the firing was over, and must have had a terrible experience. Mungo, in describing his escape from all the bullets that flew about, used to touch various parts of his head and body, saying: "Yes, t'choota me here, t'choota me there, t'choota me every plurry where, and by cri' never touch me"' (Daily Advertiser, 27 May 1935, p3).

Victims Killed: 70 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Labor Daily, January 1, 1926, p 8 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/239865993; Wagga Wagga Express and Murrumbidgee District Advertiser, 5 November 1873, p 2 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article145058073; Freeman's Journal, 5 January 1895, p 17 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article111108623; Daily Advertiser, 27 May 1935, p3 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/144557491 Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=1073

Language Group, Nation or People: Naaguja, Nanda | Colony/State/Territory at the time: WA

This incident relates to retaliation for threats of cattle killing and threats on the lives of colonists including the spearing of shepherds. The local Aboriginal group made threats to Lockyer Burgess that they would kill his sheep 'when they wanted.' Deputy Superintendent of police, John Nicol Drummond, with a group of station hands from nearby property holdings conducted a massacre of the Aboriginal people who had allegedly been killing stock from the Bootenall (Greenough) area, with Drummond and his force attacking their refuge at Bootenall swamp/springs. Over the next couple of months follow up raids occurred on the Aboriginal people living on the Irwin, Bowes and Chapman Rivers around Geraldton (Pashley, 2002, pp 53–56).

Victims Killed: 15 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Pashley, 2002, pp 53–56. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=890

Language Group, Nation or People: Jandwadjali | Colony/State/Territory at the time: VIC

In a letter dated 5 December 1854 by James Dixon from Keilor Station, Victoria, to S Wilson of Surrey Lane, Battersea Surrey, England, Dixon, wrote: that he had been stationed 300 miles 'in the Country from Melbourne' where there were 'plenty of black natives. They are very treacherous. We had a great battle with them a month ago, their [sic] was eighteen killed and two of our men. They throws [sic] spears that penetrate right through you which is verry [sic] dangerous.'

Victims Killed: 18 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 2 (Colonists). Sources: James Dixon to S. Wilson 5 Dec 1854. Private letter held by Brook Andrew. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=558

Language Group, Nation or People: Gubbi Gubbi? or Butchulla? | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

Local historian J Lennon (cited in Bottoms, 2013, p 86) wrote, 'Late in November 1854…Aborigines ate flour laced with strychnine, among provisions stolen from the store of Henry Palmer. "There was a great whaling [sic] heard in the camp at Granville where they were sent every night," an old settler recorded, "and in the morning several of them were found dead, poisoned."'

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Bottoms 2013, p 86. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=619

Language Group, Nation or People: Gayiri | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

On 18th February, the killing of more than five people at Mr. Young's station was reported: 'the blacks came and murdered every person on the establishment - three men and two women, - besides some other blacks which Mr. Young had on the place.' (SMH 18 Feb 1856, p 5)

Later reports added some details, 'On the 27th December, a large party of these rascals made a rush upon Mr Young's station, and killed a white man ... two others ... A white man and his wife ...' and 'two civilized blacks...' (Empire 28 Jan 1856)

According to Empire this was one of 3 attacks at around the same time, 'For some time past this district may be said to have been in a constant state of aggitation from the repeated and in most instances the successful attacks of the blacks. From the end of September to the end of February - three different times - did the blacks collect in numbers and attack, first, the quarters of the native policemen at Rannes; secondly, they annihilated every living soul on Mr. Young's station near Port Curtis; and thirdly, Mr. Elliott's station on the Fitzroy.' (Empire, 22 April 1856, p 3)

Victims Killed: 7 (Colonists); Attackers Killed: 0 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People). Sources: CCL Wiseman to CCCL 5 Jan 1856, SRNSW; McDonald, 1981, pp 184-185; SMH 18 Feb 1856, p 5 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/12983876; Empire 28 Jan 1856 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/60172954; Empire, 22 April 1856, p 3 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/60246946 Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=623

Language Group, Nation or People: Dhanggati | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

'Two settlers had been scouting' Aborigines for days 'and finally located them in the upper reaches of Towel Creek. According to Stanley Murray, elder tribesman who repeated the story to Victor Shepherd about 1930, the two settlers sat up till well past midnight making lead slugs for muzzle-loading rifles.' 'The settlers had an Aboriginal servant working for them called Jimmy Taylor, who had acquired a sufficient knowledge of English to become aware of what was going to happen.' That night he went to the camp to warn his tribesmen and 'they immediately moved camp upstream and took shelter in a rain forest, some climbing to the tops of trees and laying down in the thick matted vines covering the tree tops, while others continued on towards the tableland. It would appear that Jack Scott's mother tried to hide in some bushes so fell an easy victim to the hunters. Unfortunately for those hiding in the vines, one man coughed. This at once betrayed their hiding place with disastrous results. It is doubtful if there is any record of how many lost their lives at Towel Creek. The place of the massacre is shown as being about a third of the way up to Jimmy Taylor's gully which is marked on the Comara map.' (Murray cited in Bloomfield, 1981, pp. 45-6)

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Blomfield 1981, p 45-6. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=620

Language Group, Nation or People: Darumbal | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

Following the killing of James and Margaret Foran, George Smelt, John Murray and their Aboriginal servant, Peter Blackboy at Mt Larcom station on 28 December 1855 by a large group of Port Curtis warriors, estimated to number about 50, Lieutenant John Murray led five native troopers, settler William Young, District Constable Horrigon and Aboriginal guide, Harold, in search of the attackers. Murray and his posse attacked them at their camp at Nankin Creek, a tributary of the Fitzroy River. They shot dead 11 warriors and three others were 'severely if not mortally wounded' (Skinner, 1975, pp 208-212). In his report of the incident, prepared on 7 November 1856, Murray did not deny that troopers had fired on the Port Curtis people in the lead up to the killings at Mt Larcom station (Skinner, 1975, pp 208-212).

Victims Killed: 11 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Skinner, 1975, pp 208-212. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=945

Language Group, Nation or People: Gungabula or Yiman | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

Minutes after first light appeared on 27 October 1857, a group of Yiman warriors entered the darkened homestead at Hornet Bank, and killed five brothers from the Fraser family along with three male employees, and knocked Sylvester Fraser aged 14, unconscious and left him for dead. Then they induced Mrs Fraser and her two daughters outside and after some deliberation they raped and then killed them. The eldest son, William Fraser was absent on the road to Ipswich. After sunrise, Sylvester escaped to a neighbouring station and raised the alarm (The Age, November 20, 1857, p 5). According to historian Jonathan Richards, the massacre was in reprisal for the Fraser sons' sexual abuse of Yiman women (Richards 2008, p 23). The massacre was widely reported in the Brisbane and Melbourne press. Detailed accounts of the massacre and the reprisals that followed have been sourced by historian Gordon Reid (1980, 1982).

Victims Killed: 11 (Colonists); Attackers Killed: 0 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People). Sources: The Age, November 20, 1857, p 5 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/18215858; The Courier, 25 November, 1861, p 3 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article4602408; Reid, 1980-1: 62-82; Reid, 1982; Richards, 2008, p 23. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=622

Language Group, Nation or People: Yiman | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

This massacre is part of a group of massacres

After the Yiman massacre of the Fraser family at Hornet Bank in October 1857, three large scale reprisal massacres were carried out. The first was carried out by a posse of 12 settlers known as 'The Browns', who tracked down Yiman people across the Upper Dawson Valley and shot down 80 of them. The posse included Ernest Davies, 'Arthur (or John) McArthur, George Serocold, Peter Piggot, Thomas Murray-Prior, Alfred Thomas... a man named Olton and two Aboriginal trackers from Brisbane, known as Billy Hayes and Freddy' (Richards, 2008, p 63). Historian Jonathan Richards quotes from a letter Serocold wrote to his brother in England: "Whatever you do be careful as I do not wish anybody to be able to read what I have written ...Twelve of us turned out and taking rations with us, we patrolled the country for 100 miles round for three weeks and spared none of the grownup blacks which we could find" (Richards, 2008, p 64). Settler George Lang, in a letter to a relative Gideon Scott Lang, said that local squatters and their 'confidential overseers' shot 'upwards of eighty men, women and children' (Lang, 1858).

Victims Killed: 80 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: A63 Autobiographies, George Lang to GS Lang, 31 October 1858; Davies, 1958, pp 36-39; Richards, 2008, pp 23, 63-64. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=641

Language Group, Nation or People: Yiman | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

This massacre is part of a group of massacres

In the aftermath of the massacre of the Frazer family at Hornet Bank in October 1857, three reprisal massacres were carried out. In the second massacre, two members of the Fraser family, Sylvester and William Fraser, killed at least 70 Yiman people. According to Richards (2008, p 64), 'When grazier Andrew Murray met William Fraser... three years after Hornet Bank, Fraser reportedly said that he had shot "seventy blacks to date"' (quote from Andrew Murray's diary in Richards 2008, p 64). Richards also said that Fraser was 'known to many Aboriginal people at the time as Nemesis and Debil Debil' (Richards, 2008, p 64).

Victims Killed: 70 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Richards, 2008, p 64. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=991

Language Group, Nation or People: barranbinya | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

The Maryborough Chronicle republished an extract from Stockwhip, 22 April, 1876 describing 'barbarities' committed in New South Wales in relation to the lethal flogging of an Aboriginal boy in Queensland. The article describes an atrocity in graphic detail, and mentions three locations at which 'barbarities' occurred in the vicinity of Brewarrina: 'When, however, these monsters "had their cattle together" they would collect

themselves for the purpose of "a bit of

sport," which meant going on the trail of

the aboriginals. "Hospital Creek," opposite

Breewarrina, "The Point," between Yambegoona and the same place, and Warraweena

Billywung might, if they could speak, tell of

deeds unparalleled even in the Book of

Books. We are now speaking of the years

from 1840-1858' (Maryborough Chronicle, Wide Bay and Burnett Advertiser, 9 May 1876, p 4).

Hospital Creek is a well known massacre site. The incident at 'The Point' near Yambegoona is probably not a massacre, but the atrocity committed against an individual that is mentioned specifically in relation to 'Yambecoona' in another article: 'The most brutal story he told

me, and again showed the spot and stump,

was that he and two stockmen were coming up the river close to Yambecoona,

when they met a blackfellow...' (The Kiama Independent, and Shoalhaven Advertiser, 1 Apr 1869, p 4).

This earlier article describes the activities of three Aboriginal men from Liverpool Plains employed by colonists in the area: 'One of these demons, Pelica Jemmy, told

me some revolting stories. He said he

had shot and poisoned in his time 170,

and that Brewarina Jemmy, had killed

far more than he' (The Kiama Independent, and Shoalhaven Advertiser, 1 Apr 1869, p 4). The article then focuses on Hospital Creek. The article makes it clear that the killing had been sustained for a long period at many sites but only mentions three specific sites: Hospital Creek,

which is marked elsewhere on this site; Yambecoona at which one person was killed, and; Warraweena, the only other identified place where this widespread killing occurred.

Victims Killed: 20 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Maryborough Chronicle, Wide Bay and Burnett Advertiser, 9 May 1876, p 4 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/148509158; The Kiama Independent, and Shoalhaven Advertiser, 1 Apr 1869, p 4 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/113830392 Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=1120

Language Group, Nation or People: Yiman | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

This massacre is part of a group of massacres

Following the massacre of the Fraser family at Hornet Bank station on the Dawson River in November 1857, three large scale reprisals of the Yiman people took place. The first was carried out by a posse of local settlers (see Hornet Bank aftermath (1)); and the second by two surviving men of the Fraser family (Hornet Bank aftermath (2)).

The third was carried out by detachments of native police who hunted the Yiman down from the ranges of the Upper Dawson River in April 1858 (Richards 2008, pp 63-4).

On 15th March 1858 W. Cryand wrote to Government Resident at Moreton Bay saying, '...while the Colonial Secretary is quite prepared to hear, after the numerous murders and other acts of atrocity committed by the Aborigines in the Southern Districts, that summary and severe punishment had ensued, he regrets to notice in the reports of Lieutenants Murray and Powell expressions which he cannot permit to pass by without special notice. Lieutenant Murray in his letter to the Commandant of the 19 January last says "a considerable number of Blacks concerned in the late outrage have been killed by the Police, finding that they were allowed up to the Station and evidently thinking that their evil deeds had been forgotten"; and the expression to which the Colonial Secretary Secretary entertains objection is that portion of the above that is underlined. It, I am to say, would justify the inference that unawares and possibly while entrapped within reach of gun shot, they were in cold blood destroyed. But a still more objectionable expression occurs in Lieutenant Powell's letter of 16th December last, in which he reports that in dispersing a large party of Blacks some of them were shot including "three Gins as they were running away"... The murder of the Fraser Family with the attendant circumstances required that the perpetrators of such monstrous enormities should be punished in the severest manner wherever they could be found; but I am desired to state that there is something abhorrent to the feeling of humanity to read, even on that case, of three Gins being shot dead as they were running away, and the Colonial Secretary trusts that on any future occasion should a similar occurrence be reported, you will make enquiry at once into the matter in order to check the feeling that the lives even of the most ignorant savages may be unnecessarily taken from them.'

(QSA RES/2 58/920 ITM3681987)

Victims Killed: 20 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Richards 2008, pp 63-4; QSA RES/2 58/920 Colonial Secretary at Sydney to the Government Resident at Moreton Bay (DR110707) ITM3681987 https://www.archivessearch.qld.gov.au/items/ITM3681987 Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=992

Language Group, Nation or People: Pooncarie/Parkantyi | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

Journalist A. Norton was in Brewarrina soon after the visit of the steamer Gemini in 1859, and noted 'the native police had been there before my visit, and it was common rumour that the blacks had been shot down without mercy through the district' (Norton cited in Dargin, 1976, p 55).

Victims Killed: 20 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Dargin 1976, pp 54-5; Maryborough Chronicle: Wide Bay and Burnett Advertiser, May 9, 1876, p 4 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article148509158 Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=634

Language Group, Nation or People: Murrawarri and possibly Ngemba, Ngaampaa, Paakandji, Morawari, Budjiti, Barranbinya, Muruwari, Kooma, Kamilaroi or Wailwan people. | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

After Aboriginal people speared cattle at Quantambone Station, Con Bride requested help from a neighbouring station (Sydney Mail, 12 Sep 1928, p 55). Con Bride with a group of about 20 heavily armed men including Mr J. McKenzie and Aboriginal assistants, Pelica Jemmy and Brewarinna Jemmy, attacked a camp of Aboriginal people at dawn, at a creek just north of Baiame's Ngunnhu (Brewarrina fish traps). Survivors fled in the direction of Culgoa River. Later sources say that around 300 people were killed and only a few escaped, including Peter Flood who died in 1911 (The Farmer and Settler, 24 October 1911, p 5). The creek was named 'Hospital Creek' after an Aboriginal woman was seen trying to care for wounded at this site (The Kiama Independent and Shoalhaven Advertiser, 1 April, 1869, p 4).

The fish traps attracted visitors from far afield and the massacre may have involved Ngemba, Ngaampaa, Paakandji, Morawari, Budjiti, Barranbinya, Muruwari, Kooma, Kamilaroi or Wailwan people in this area. Colonists believed they had killed people of the 'Culgoa Tribe'. The Culgoa area is the lands and waters of Murrawarri people. In 1871, the population of the area was reported to have declined rapidly from thousands to 'only a few' over 20 years, 'Hence the name of "Fishery" at one time, about twenty years ago, this was the chief encampment for the blacks in the Western districts, for hundreds of miles around, and hence they were then to be found in thousands, but latterly there are only a few degenerate ones to be seen, the servile drudges of the (often) tyrannical white masters' (Freeman's Journal, 24 June 1871, p 11). In 1914 the Hospital Creek massacre was described as 'Among the worst massacres in New South Wales' adding that 'a party was got together, who surrounded about 300 aborigines at the creek, and shot down most of them, including women and piccaninnies' (The Richmond River Express and Casino Kyogle Advertiser, 31 July, 1914, p 8).

In 1928 an 'Old-timer' of the region, G.M. Smith, published an account of the massacre that he had heard when he was younger, from one of its leaders. According to Con Bride, Aboriginal people had been spearing cattle. 'I tried to get the blacks to shift camp, but they didn't understand me, or pretended not to which was very likely, as I could speak the native lingo pretty well. So I rode to the station as quickly as possible and brought one of my black boys to talk to them in their own lingo. When he explained what I wanted them to do they said "Baal," which in their language means "No." They evidently didn't want to shift, as they were doing too well where they were; but I went back home and started one of my white stockmen up to the next station with a few lines to the manager to send me all the assistance he could spare in men, arms, and ammunition. The demand was only reasonable in those days, as the white settlers had to keep plenty of arms and ammunition for self-protection and to assist each other in cases of need. Next day I was pleased to see two white stockmen and half-a-dozen black boys, all well armed, ride up. You may be sure I lost no time in getting all my own force under arms, and we rode out to the blacks' camp nearly twenty strong. When we got within two hundred yards of the camp I halted my small force. Then I took one of the boys and rode up to their camp. When the boy told them I wanted them to shift the old darkies got very angry, and said "Baal," as before. I took the boy back to the others, and said: "Now, boys, we will fire a few shots over their camp. They might take fright and clear out." That volley caused a great commotion in the camp. They all ran up in a bunch, like a lot of wild ducks; but there was no stampede such as we were expecting. I noticed that they were all arming with spears and womeras, and when they made a move forward I feared a rush on our small force by their hundreds: so we fired a volley into them, and a dozen or more fell. This caused a halt. Then they gathered round the wounded ones. Apparently they could not understand what had happened, and we took advantage of the confusion to send another volley whistling over their heads. That settled the matter. A general stampede took place across the plain towards the Culgoa, whence, I suppose, they had come' (Sydney Mail, 12 Sep 1928, p 55).

Perhaps the earliest account of the massacre is an article in 1869 republished from the Dubbo Dispatch, which reported, 'The blacks could be found in thousands on the Bogan River not twenty-five years ago; but where are they now? Can you find them in hundreds? No, nor in tens; and what you will ask, has become of them? Some have gone back into the Mulgar, and disease has done its work with them; but what has done the most deadly, work has been the rifle, not in every instance in the hands of the white man, but in the hands of their own fellow countrymen. There were at Brewarina and a station close by three blackfellows, natives of Liverpool Plains, that had been taught the use of firearms to perfection, and ditto the use of horses. These fellows for many years shot down everything black in human shape indiscriminately, wherever they met them. One of these demons, Pelica Jemmy, told me some revolting stories. He said he had shot and poisoned in his time 170, and that Brewarina Jemmy, had killed far more than he. He related an affray that took place in a back creek, not more than five miles from Brewarina; and in proof of his assertion showed me some hundreds of bones (I should say, the remains of forty). He, it appeared from his story, had been out on the run, and had tracked a lot of cattle away from the camp.; he further discovered that these cattle had been disturbed by the arrival of a lot of blacks to fish at this camp. He did not allow himself to be seen, but rode home, from whence an express messenger was despatched to Merriman, and some half-dozen other stations up the river, for all hands to come down to a blackfellows' hunt. All hands, were ready - whites and their Namoi demons - and started at night, arriving close to the camp of blacks before day, when they waited till daylight, then taking up positions so as to command the entire camp, they sent in a deadly volley, and in a short time there was not a black left. Some two days after four of the same party of murderers were riding by this said spot, when they found three blackfellows that had not died, and an old gin less wounded attending to their wants. "Eloh?" said one of the party, "here's a hospital." They got down and despatched the whole lot with a tomahawk, not caring to waste powder and shot on them; from that day till this this camp is called "the Hospital"' (The Kiama Independent and Shoalhaven Advertiser, 1 April, 1869, p 4).

An 1876 article presents an extract from a document beginning, 'We are speaking (says the writer) of the year 1859.' and described some atrocities committed in the area adding, 'When, however, these monsters "had their cattle together" they would collect themselves for the purpose of "a bit of sport" which meant going on the trail of the aboriginals. "Hospital Creek," opposite Breewarrina, "The Point," between Yambegoona and the same place, and Warraweena Billywung might, if they could speak, tell of deeds unparalleled even in the Book of Books' (Maryborough Chronicle, Wide Bay and Burnett Advertiser, 9 May 1876, p 4).

In 1911 the death of Peter Flood, an Aboriginal man who had survived the massacre was reported with additional details of the massacre, 'The blackfellow, Peter Flood, who died at Brewarrina, N.S.W., recently from pneumonia, was a full-blooded aboriginal, and was eighty-two years, of age. He was one of the survivors of the famous Hospital Creek massacre, which occurred fifty-two years ago. The blacks had been very troublesome and annoyed the station people to such a degree that it was decided to teach them a lesson. The white settlers, led by Mr. J. McKenzie, assembled, and proceeded in search of the aboriginals, whom they found to the number of about 300 encamped on the banks of Hospital Creek, which is situated about eleven miles from Brewarrina. An engagement took place, and only one or two aboriginals escaped. This particular tribe was known as the Culgoa tribe, and for many years had been a menace to settlers along the Culgoa River, spearing cattle and sheep, and stealing on every possible occasion. Peter Flood was one of the tribe' (The Farmer and Settler, 24 October 1911, p 5).

The reports consistently say that 300 people were killed at Hospital Creek, if a number is stated.

Large amounts of people would have been congregated to feast at the fish traps. All accounts of the massacre involve a large force of heavily armed and mounted colonists gathered for the purpose of attacking Aboriginal people. The location is a vast treeless plain with no places of concealment. It is likely an unusually large number of people were killed.

Victims Killed: 200 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Dargin 1976, p 59; The Farmer and Settler, 24 October 1911, p 5 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/118010220; Maryborough Chronicle, Wide Bay and Burnett Advertiser, 9 May 1876, p 4 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/148509158; The Kiama Independent and Shoalhaven Advertiser, 1 April, 1869, p 4 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/113830392; Sydney Mail, 12 Sep 1928, p 55 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/158404490/16864759; The Richmond River Express and Casino Kyogle Advertiser, 31 July, 1914, p 8 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/124719523; Freeman's Journal, 24 June 1871, p 11 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/120727890 Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=636

Language Group, Nation or People: Yiman | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

Following the Hornet Bank massacre, in June, 1858, under the heading 'Border War. Continuation of the Dawson Murders', the Moreton Bay Courier published a request from a squatter, Mr Sericold, for 'the Government, to take further steps for the suppression of the murders which are being continually perpetrated on our helpless shepherds on the Dawson River.' Sericold described a 'labyrinth' of cliffs and gorges in a large horseshoe shape around the upper Dawson, used by Aboriginal people to elude colonists. He added that 'from a communication I have just had with some of the Cockatoo tribe, I find that there has been a great "yabba," which has resulted in all the gins, picaninnies, and old men being sent into the Burnett, and the fighting men deciding on war' (MBC, 9 June 1858, p2).

A Select Committee of the Legislative Assembly recommended deployment of additional mounted police, Native Police and a militia of settlers to the area, and that the troopers be 'under military law' (The Darling Down Gazette and General Advertiser, 26 Aug 1858, p 4).

After a colonist was killed, on the 12th November, 1859 Second Lieutenant Carr with Native Mounted Police went 15 miles from Glenmore station (near Rockhampton) to the scene of the killing, and then another 15 miles in the direction of 'Coonoomoo' (possibly Commooboolaroo, south west of Dauringa) where they encountered a camp in scrub near the river bed. Second Lieutenant Carr wrote, 'On our approach the Blacks rushed from the camp, and were pursued by the Troopers, two Blacks were killed and sixteen Prisoners taken.' Lieutenant Murray returned with 3 captives and from their information obtained warrants for 'King John', 'Bueen', 'Billy' and 'Motzie' (QSA COL/A26/1860/79).

On 18 November 1859, Second Lieutenant Murray (not to be confused with Lieutenant John Murray) reported that 'having received information on the 8th of a mob of Blacks being in the vicinity of one of Messrs Kelmans and Duttons Sheep Stations I proceeded in that direction.' (QSA COL/A26/1860/79) He reached their camp 10 miles from these stations.

'I ascertained there was one amongst them named "Billy Billy"; as I hold a warrant for a Black of that name I tried to prevent them making with the scrub which was close to, but failed in doing so. On the troopers passing into the scrub in pursuit, the Blacks made a rush and attacked them.' Hand to hand combat followed and 'The Blacks got one of the troopers down, and gave him several blows on the head with a "nulla nulla"... The Blacks stood their ground for about half and hour, when we succeeded in dispersing them, leaving six of their number dead, and many more wounded. The one named "Billy Billy" was shot in the act of throwing a waddy at one of the Troopers' (QSA COL/A26/1860/79).

An article on the origins of placenames in Central Queensland records that 'COORADA Station, Upper Dawson, until 1856 portion of Ghinghindah Station held by Kelman, who, in that year sold the portion to Blaid and Hobler' (The Central Queensland Herald, 24 Aug 1950, p 16). Murray's letter mentions that he tracked survivors the next day to Zamia Creek, which is north west of Ghinghindah (Robinson, 1933). This suggests the massacre occurred in scrub about 10 miles north west of Ghinghindah. On writing the letter on the 18th, he said that he had been away 9 days, and having left on the 8th, the massacre may have been around the 12th November, 1859.

In a letter to the Commandant in Brisbane, dated 8 December, 1859, Lieutenant John Murray wrote that, 'From every appearance of affairs, in this River [the Dawson], I am of opinion that the Blacks are determined to lose no opportunity of murdering and robbing and it is almost impossible to deal satisfactorily with them.' He requested a boat and 12 double barrelled carbines, saying that with these, 'much more work could be done and with fewer men' (QSA COL/A26/1860/79).

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: The North Australian, Ipswich and General Advertiser 12 Jan 1858, p 3 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article77429673; MBC, 9 June 1858, p2 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article3725288; The Darling Downs Gazette and General Advertiser, 26 Aug 1858, p 4 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article75527096; QSA COL/A26/1860/79 (DR57690) https://www.archivessearch.qld.gov.au/items/ITM846731; The Central Queensland Herald, 24 Aug 1950, p 16 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article75566863; Robinson, 1933 http://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-469678398 Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=645

Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander Place Name: Keriri Island | Language Group, Nation or People: Gudang? | Colony/State/Territory at the time: QLD

Eighteen survivors of the shipwreck, Sapphire, were slaughtered by Gudang warriors on Hammond Island also known as Keriri Island, in Torres Strait. See full account in Moreton Bay Courier, March 24, 1860, p 2.

Victims Killed: 18 (Colonists); Attackers Killed: 1 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People). Sources: MBC March 24, 1860, p.2 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article3716608; Mullins, 1994, p 22; Bottoms, 2013, p 126. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=683

Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander Place Name: Geegelup | Language Group, Nation or People: Kaniyang / Wardandi | Colony/State/Territory at the time: WA

Eight Mile Well in the shire of Bridgetown is a registered site with the State Government of Western Australia's Heritage Council (Aboriginal Sites and Events, Bridgetown Historical Society Heritage Council of Western Australia). The site is thought to have originally been used as a traditional watering hole by the local Aboriginal Noongar Kaniyang people. In the 1860s conflict was created over access to the waterhole between the traditional owners and the British settlers. The Heritage Council (HC) and others suggest a massacre took place prior to any police being stationed in Bridgetown and was carried out by a group of colonists. The HC write 'The survivors of the attack were reported to have relocated to Three Acre Pool on the Blackwood River above Bridgetown. They subsequently caught chicken pox and in an attempt to cool their fever, they bathed in the Blackwood River, which in turn gave them pneumonia that eventually killed them' (Citing Hadley, P, 1995).

Victims Killed: 20 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Brad Goode & Associates, 2011; Hadley, Heritage Council of Western Australia http://inherit.stateheritage.wa.gov.au/Public/Inventory/Details/87a012e8-522e-47ad-b4a6-bc7a3dc03184 Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=1032

Language Group, Nation or People: Yiman | Colony/State/Territory at the time: QLD

According to Patrick Collins, historian of the Mandandanji Land War in the Maranoa District, 18 Yiman people were killed by native police on Bendemere Station in East Maranoa in March 1860 in revenge for the Yiman killing of three stockmen.

On 5th March, 1860, William Simms wrote from Bendemere Station to the Leiutenant of Native Police, 'I beg to inform you that there a number of Blacks which I believe to be Dawson, on the upper part of this run, annoying the shepherds, and demanding their rations and amongst them I hear is one of the Dawson murderers named Beilba.

I shall esteem it as a great favor, by you comgin or sending some troopers over to disperse them at your earliest convenience.' (QSA COL, ITM3681990, 60/381)

On 8 March 1860, Second Leiutenant Carr of the Native Police reported that on recieving this letter he went with 7 troopers to Bendemere Station, adding that the messenger said, 'that if I did not reach the station at once he believed there would be some outrage committed that night.' Within 2 miles of the station he found a camp. 'Following on the tracks I came on the Blacks (a mob of upwards of 100) all of the Upper Dawson Tribe encamped within 1/4 of a mile of the huts on the station. On my approaching the camp the Blacks gathered in a bod and commenced a most determined assualt on the Police. I myself recieved a wound from a nulla nulla, and several troopers were struck with weapons of one kind or another. I directed the Troopers to fire on the Blacks, but although they did so, and with great effect still the Blacks for more than an hour showed no symptoms of giving in, fortunately they did so at last, just as my ammunition was nearly all expended. During the affray fifteen Blacks were shot amongst others one "Baulie" a notorious Black who is beleived to have been the leader in the Hornet Bank murders.' (QSA COL/A2/1860, 60/381. (DR110779) ITM 846732)

Victims Killed: 15 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: QSA COL/A2/1860, 60/381. (DR110779) ITM 846732 https://www.archivessearch.qld.gov.au/items/ITM846732; Collins, 2002, p 213. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=646

Language Group, Nation or People: Anaiwan, McLeay River Aboriginal people | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

According to the Armidale Express of 23 June 1860, p 2: 'It is rumoured that parties from two stations in the police district of Armidale went out lately after the wild blacks, and so scared the latter that they are not likely to be heard of again near Armidale for some time to come.' According to historian, Callum Clayton-Dixon 2019, p.103, Aboriginal resistance was 'reduced significantly at this point'.

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Armidale Express, 23 June 1860, p 2 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article188961690; Clayton-Dixon 2019, p 103. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=943

Language Group, Nation or People: Yuggera | Colony/State/Territory at the time: QLD

Lt Frederick Wheeler responded to a letter from settler John Hardie asking for assistance to 'disperse' Aboriginal people in the Dugandan Scrub. Wheeler led a detachment of native police and attacked a Yuggera camp and killed nearly all of them (Bottoms, 2013, pp 23-24).

Victims Killed: 40 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: QP V&P LA 1861(b); Bottoms, 2013, pp 23-24; Rosser, 1990, p 59. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=678

Language Group, Nation or People: Waka Waka | Colony/State/Territory at the time: QLD

According to historian Timothy Bottoms, RR Morisset and a detachment of native police shot 'more than 8' Aboriginal people near Manumbar Station, 50 km south east of Murgon (Bottoms, 2013, pp 6, 51).

The shootings at Manumbar were reported as part of the Select Committee on the Native Police Force, 1861. On 6 July, 1861 E.M.V. Morisset, Esq., Commandant of the Native Police was called in and examined about several incidents, including the following details about the massacre:

'It appears from the evidence of Mr. Mortimer and another, that the detachment in charge

of Lieutenant Morisset was sent up on the remonstrance of Mr Parkinson and some others,

and that they killed a number of blacks, and left them lying dead about his run - we have

heard of at least eight found dead in that way. Do you think this a justifiable act under the

circumstances? Yes, I think so; perhaps I may be allowed to explain. I received a report

from Mr. Morisset (Vide appendix B) which is now in the Colonial Secretary's office; he was

on his way to head-quarters with a number of horses, and when he got to this district on his

way up to Wide Bay, he was informed by several squatters that the blacks were very troublesome killing cattle, and that they threatened to attack the horses. He reported this to Mr.

Murray, when he got to Wide Bay, and Lieutenant Murray sent him back with a detachment

of his own men. When Mr. Morisset got back, he found the blacks in large numbers at the

Bunya Bunya, and, I think, he first dispersed them there, and then met them again somewhere

else - at least, the blacks found he was following them, and went in towards the station of

the Messrs. Mortimer, and got close to it, when the Police came up with them. I believe they

thought the Police were coming to shoot them, and made the first attack, the report that

has been sent in to the Colonial Secretary has not explained that as fully as I have done, as I

collected more particulars from my brother afterwards, having examined him when he came in

to head-quarters' (QP V&P LA 1861(b), p 144).

The report of the incident is included

in Appendix B. 'Officer's Report, &c., In Reference To An Attack On The Blacks At Manumbar', as follows:

'Rockhampton, 10th April, 1861.

Sir I have the honor to inform you that I arrived here yesterday, with (32)

thirty-two horses, the same having been purchased by me for the use of the Native Police.

On my way up from Brisbane I found it necessary to rest the horses for some time

at "Wide Bay, and in consequence of the numerous complaints sent in by the squatters, of

the frequent and daring outrages of the blacks at the Bunya Bunya, I received instructions

from Lieutenant Murray to patrol the district with a detachment of men. I found the

blacks collected in several places in very large numbers, and also that they had been killing

cattle at nearly all the stations in that district; and on two or three occasions I found it

necessary to fire upon them before they would disperse.

At Messrs. Frazer and Parkinson's, and also at Mr. Lawless' cattle station, they

were spearing cattle even while I was on the station.

I have the honor to enclose brands and descriptions of horses purchased by me.

I have, &c.,

(Signed) E. V. MORISSET,

Second Lieutenant Native Mounted Police.'

(QP V&P LA 1861(b), p 152)

Victims Killed: 8 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: QP V&P LA 1861(b) https://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-53959485/view?partId=nla.obj-53976025#page/n165/mode/1up; Bottoms, 2013, pp 6, 51. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=680

Language Group, Nation or People: Gayiri | Colony/State/Territory at the time: QLD

Following the abduction of two Aboriginal boys by three white men, 19 members of the Wills family and their servants, including women and children, were massacred mid-afternoon on 17 October 1861 by a large group of Gayiri warriors (SMH, 12 Dec 1861, p 5). Until the afternoon of the massacre, the Wills party, which had arrived in the area only a few days before, had enjoyed good relations with the Gayiri people. Against advice from other colonists Wills did not arm workers on the homestead. One view of the massacre, suggests that it was in reprisal for the killing of Gayiri people a week or so earlier by a detachment of native police at a neighbouring pastoral station where Jesse Gregson was the manager.

Victims Killed: 19 (Colonists); Attackers Killed: 0 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People). Sources: The Courier 5 November, 1861 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/4602000; The Courier 11 November, 1861 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/4602097; Rockhampton Bulletin and Central Queensland Advertiser 2 November, 1861 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/51554732; SMH December 10, 1861 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/13060056, and 11 December, 1861 - https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/1484054, and 12 December, 1861 -http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-page1484062; Carment, 1980, pp 49-55; Reid 1980-1, pp 62-82; Perrin 1998, pp 84-104; Star (Ballarat), 20 November 1861, 'Supplement' 1861 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article66343578; The Courier (Brisbane), 20 December 1861, p 3 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article4602862, and 16 January 1862 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article4603348; Rockhampton Bulletin and Central Queensland Advertiser, 4 January 1862, p 2 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article51554990; Queensland Times, Ipswich Herald and General Advertiser (Qld. : 1861 - 1908) 28 Jan 1862, p 3 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article125597363; Sydney Mail, 14 December, 1861 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article166694945. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=648

Language Group, Nation or People: Gungabula | Colony/State/Territory at the time: QLD

On 6 December, 1861, John O'Connell Bligh, Commandant of the Native Police, reported from the Headquarters at Rockhampton to the Colonial Secretary that during his inspection of the 3rd Division on the Bungil Creek, Lieutenant Carr and 2nd Lieutenant Moorehead returned from patrol and 'reported a collision between the Detachment under the command of 2nd Lieutenant Marlow and the Aborigines on the head of the Maranoa where a new Police Station is now being founded' (Bligh to the Colonial Secretary, 6 December 1861 in Inwards Correspondence, p 164).

Lieutenant Carr's report of 30th October, 1861 stated that there had been an '... affray with Blacks, which took place at the Native Police Camp on the Maranoa River' and that '... the Blacks dispersed and went towards the head of the river, nothing has been heard of them since, I have however instructed Mr Marlow to make a patrol in that direction to ascertain something of their movements' (Carr to Commandant of the Native M. Police, Rockhampton in QSA COL/A23/61/3266, (DR 57342.pdf) ITM846753, p 169).

Second Lieutenant Marlow's report of 22 October, 1861 stated that on the 19th of October 6 unarmed Aboriginal people approached the police camp. With one of the native police interpreting, he explained to them that they should not come near the police camp and they left immediately. 'I believing that these six men were merely spies from the main body came up according to the usual customs of the wilder tribes, I prepared for the result should they return armed in force. I did not saddle up as I wished to show them that the camp was safe without the horses, and as I had no charge against them I would have let them go in peace if they would let me.

Shortly after the first lot thirty apparently picked men came up, fully armed, they gave me no opportunity of speaking to them but at once commenced an attack upon us. I accordingly led my men to close quarters and after a sharp struggle dispersed them with a loss of ten men on their side. I was insensible for a short period during the engagement from a wound on the head, one of the men also got struck but not severely' (Marlow to Carr, 22 Oct, 1861 in QSA COL/A23/61/3266, (DR 57342.pdf) ITM846753, pp 170-171).

Victims Killed: 10 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Collins, 2002, p 213; QSA COL/A23/61/3266, (DR 57342.pdf) ITM846753, pp 164 - 171 https://www.archivessearch.qld.gov.au/items/ITM846753 Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=649

Language Group, Nation or People: Gayiri | Colony/State/Territory at the time: QLD

This massacre is part of a group of massacres

The news of the massacre of nineteen colonists at Mr Wills's station at Cullin la Ringo first reached Mr Gregson at Rainworth station, when two shepherds who escaped the massacre arrived there. Before the native police could arrive, who were a long distance away at the time (QSA GOV/23/61/74 (DR110747) ITM17671, p124), two groups of colonists set out for the Nogoa. 'Mr Gregson's party overtook some of the miscreants at dawn one morning, revelling in their blankets and ill-gotten booty. The party managed to get one discharge at the wretches, when they all bolted up a steep range, till the sight of the white's destroying their spears and boomerangs, which were splendid in appearance, drew them down upon the little band, who wisely retreated, fearing they might be cut off from their horses, which were left a mile and a half from the scene of action' (The Courier, 11 Nov 1861, pp 2-3).

This article mentions another group led by Mr P.F. Macdonald had also gone out to 'protect the stock, and assist the survivors' (The Courier, 11 Nov 1861, pp 2-3). P.F.McDonald wrote in his account that this second group did not encounter any Aboriginal people:

'As it had been fully ascertained that the great portion of blacks implicated in the murders belonged to the Comet and Dawson Rivers, and had made off in that direction, we started on the morning of the 7th in search of them, but as they had so many days in advance of us and their foot-tracks were nearly everywhere obliterated by recent thunderstorms, our chances of finding them were very much diminished. We spent eight days searching the scrubs in the neighbourhood, but with little success.' (SMH 10 December 1861, p. 5).

Governor Bowen summarised the Cullin-la-Ringo massacre and the reprisals for it in a letter to the Lord Newcastle. He wrote that after burying the victims of the Cullin-la-Ringo massacre and prior to the arrival of the Native Police a group of armed colonists killed 30 Aboriginal people.

'And now the full extent of the dreadful sacrifice of life was ascertained; and an uncontrollable desire for vengeance took possession of every heart... About thirty of the tribe of murderers are said to have fallen in the deadly struggle which ensued when the eleven English avengers "stormed their camp" in the manner related in the enclosure' (QSA GOV/23/61/74 (DR110747) ITM17671, p124).

The body of one of the men killed in the reprisal massacres around the Nogoa River was exhibited in The Australian and South Sea Islander Museum in Melbourne:

'One of the most extraordinary curiosities in the museum is the dried body of an aboriginal of North Australia... Some 10 years ago, Nogoa, a station in the north of Queensland, was the scene of a horrible massacre by the blacks. Almost all the residents on the station, comprising some 20 men, women and children, were slaughtered, only some two or three stockmen succeeding, in effecting their escape. The neighbouring country was aroused, and a retaliatory raid was made upon the aborigines by the squatters and native police force, and it is said that the vengeance exacted was terribly severe, the lives of upwards of 200 natives being sacrificed before the wrath of the offended whites was satiated. The particular blackfellow exhibited was, it is stated, shot in a tree into which he had climbed in the hope of concealment.' (The Argus, 5 February 1872, p 6)

The location provided is an estimate based on the description but there are many steep hills near Cullin-la-Ringo that could be the location.

Victims Killed: 30 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Reid 1980-1, pp 62-82; Bowen to Newcastle, 16 Dec. 1861, QSA GOV/23/61/74 (DR110747) ITM17671 https://www.archivessearch.qld.gov.au/items/ITM3682012; SMH 10 December 1861, p. 5 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article13060056; SMH December 11, 1861 - https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/1484054; SMH December 12, 1861, p. 5 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article13062362; Courier (Brisbane) 11 November, 1861 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article4602097; The Argus, 5 February 1872, p 6 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/5859420 Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=660

Language Group, Nation or People: Gayiri | Colony/State/Territory at the time: QLD

This massacre is part of a group of massacres

One of the colonists who arrived at Cullin-la-Ringo following the massacre of colonists there, P.F. McDonald, wrote that, 'In one place we saw the tracks of a party of horsemen which I believe to be those of Lieutenant Cave's detachment. I wish some of those misinformed gentlemen who think that the native police are of so little service had been there—if they had felt any sympathy for Cullin-la-ringo victims, they would have seen sufficient reason to entertain a different opinion, and I think their gratification would have compelled them to acknowledge their error. For my part I trust that the Government instead of decreasing the force, will endeavour to strengthen it' (SMH 10 December 1861, p. 5).

To this article the editor appended the news that, 'We are informed that, on the 26th or 27th ultimo, the Native Police overtook the tribe of natives who committed the late outrage at Nogoa, and succeeded in driving them into a place from whence escape was impossible. They then shot down sixty or seventy, and they only ceased firing upon them when their ammunition was expended. One of the blacks who was shot, cried out, "Me no kill white fellow!" showing plainly they well comprehended the proceeding. Some firearms and other property in their possession were recovered' (SMH 10 December 1861, p. 5).

In his summary of the events, Governor Bowen wrote, 'On the 24th of October they [the Native Police] arrived by forced marches at the late Mr Wills' station, and on the following day, Lieut Cave and his eight troopers started in pursuit of the Blacks...

Lieut. Cave's report to his Commanding Officer states that he had followed up the tracks of the murderers for four days, when he came up with them on the 28th October. After a skirmish in broken ground, during which several were killed, "the remainder retreated to the top of a high hill, the front of which was almost perpendicular; and on our riding nearer, the Blacks gave us to understand most unmistakeably their intention of holding their ground. I retired" continues Lieut. Cave, "a sufficient distance to be completely out of their sight, and camped. Towards sundown, knowing the blacks to be still in the same position, I proceeded cautiously with the Troopers on foot. Two I posted in front of the hill; and with the others I climbed quietly to the top at the back. A shot from one of my men was the first intimation the Blacks had of our approach; when finding themselves surprised and nearly surrounded, they made no[?] stand. Their loss was heavy; and I consider that many were killed from falling over the cliffs' (QSA GOV/23/61/74 (DR110747) ITM17671, pp 125-126). The location provided is an estimate based on the description but there are many sheer cliffs within 4 days' ride of Cullin-la-Ringo.

Victims Killed: 60 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: QSA COL/A23/61/2812 (DR57340) ITM846753, p 140 https://www.archivessearch.qld.gov.au/items/ITM846753; Bowen to Newcastle, 16 Dec. 1861, QSA GOV/23/61/74 (DR110747) ITM17671 https://www.archivessearch.qld.gov.au/items/ITM3682012; SMH 10 December 1861, p. 5 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article13060056; Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=1100

Language Group, Nation or People: Mbara | Colony/State/Territory at the time: QLD

Frederick Walker the leader of a mounted exploration party of about 10 men, including at least three Aboriginal men and 40 horses, in search of the explorers Burke and Wills, wrote in his diary for 30 October 1861: 'The mounted party met about thirty men, painted and loaded with arms, and they charged them at once. Now was shown the benefit of Terry's breech-loaders, for such a continued steady fire was kept up by this small party that the enemy never was able to throw one of their formidable spears. Twelve men were killed, and few, if any escaped unwounded' (Walker, 1863). An excerpt from Walker's diary was published in the Melbourne Argus, 15 April 1862, p 7. Walker's journal is available online. See below.

Victims Killed: 12 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Walker, The Argus, 15 April 1862, p 7 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article5713349; Bottoms, 2013, p 97; Walker, in 'Frederick Walker's Journal, October 1861', Burke and Wills Web http://www.burkeandwills.net.au/Journals/Walkers_Journal/Walker_October_1861_RGS.htm Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=978

Language Group, Nation or People: Ngawun | Colony/State/Territory at the time: QLD

Encounter by Frederick Walker's expedition in search of Ludwig Leichhardt and Burke and Wills with Aboriginal people at Leichhardt River. 'My men shot two ducks in the river; and a couple of blacks were watching them a little down the river. After dinner, or a make-shift for one, my men went over towards the river, in hopes of getting some ducks; but as they were crossing the plain they saw two mobs of blacks approaching. As their appearance looked hostile, they returned to camp. I directed Mr Macalister, Mr Haughton, Patrick, Jungle, Rodney and Coreen Jemmy, to get some horses saddled. In the meanwhile Jemmy Cangara mounted a tree, to observe the movement of the blacks. He reported that they were stretching out in a half moon, in three parties. This move, which my men term stockyarding, is, I believe, peculiar to blacks throwing spears with a woomera, the object being to concentrate the shower of spears. It was one long familiar to me, and I directed Mr Macalister to charge their left wing. The result was that the circular line doubled up, the blacks turned and fled. Their right wing which was, I think, the strongest mob, got over the river, and were off, but their centre and left wing suffered heavy loss' (The Argus, 16 April, 1862, p 7).

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: The Argus, April 16, 1862, p 7 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article5713401; Walker, 1863. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=652

Language Group, Nation or People: Mandalgu | Colony/State/Territory at the time: QLD

This massacre is part of a group of massacres

Following the Cullin-la-Ringo massacre and immediate reprisals of colonists and the Native Police, reinforcements of Native Police under Captain Bligh were ordered to the area. Governor Bowen wrote,

'Captain Bligh, the Commandant of the Native Police Corps (a grandson of the celebrated Bligh of the "Bounty" and who was afterwards Governor of New South Wales,) was ordered by my Government to march in person with re-inforcements to the Nogoa River. He reports that the country is now perfectly quiet, and that three patrols are traversing it in various directions' (QSA GOV/23/61/74 (DR110747) ITM17671, p 127).

In his report of 2nd December, 1861, describing the 3 main patrols despatched, Captain Bligh added, '...I heard of two or three other large war parties, and recieved many complaints from squatters, travellers and others, particularly from W Thompson of Roxburgh. I have consequently sent NP Cadet Johnson with a strong detachment to that locality he left here this day' (QSA COL/A23/61/3038 (DR57340) ITM846753, p 140).

In a letter dated 22 December, 1861, to headquarters in Rockhamption Native Police Cadet Johnson wrote that while patrolling the lower Dawson,

'I visited "Roxborough" & was informed that a very large mob of Blacks had been gathering, for some time, in a large scrub near that Station; for the purpose of holding a "Boora", & that they had stolen 30 sheep & threatened to murder the shepherds. On the 6th I proceeded to the scrub to disperse them as soon as they saw me coming up - the Blacks numbering about 300 attacked me, and I was compelled to fire upon them. They then retreated I followed to be certain that they dispersed.

On the 7th I again came up with the Blacks when they at once made off in two mobs - I followed the party that made up "Ramsay" Creek, & on the 8th came up with, & effectually dispersed them. I then followed on the tracks of the other party towards the Comet & on the 10th came up with them on Mimmossa Creek. The Blacks again attacked me, & I was obliged to fire upon them, 10 fell, & the rest dispersed; from the number of their "Tomahawks" & other articles in the possession of the last mob of Blacks, & from the direction in which they were going I am of opinion they were some of the Murdering of Mr. Will's party' (QSA COL/A26/62/823, (DR 112352.pdf pp1-3) ITM 3682014).

Victims Killed: 10 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Bowen to Newcastle, 16 Dec. 1861, QSA GOV/23/61/74 (DR110747) ITM17671 https://www.archivessearch.qld.gov.au/items/ITM3682012; QSA COL/A23/61/3038 (DR57340) ITM846753, p 140 https://www.archivessearch.qld.gov.au/items/ITM846753; QSA COL/A26/62/823, (DR 112352.pdf pp1-3) ITM 3682014 https://www.archivessearch.qld.gov.au/items/ITM3682014 Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=651

Language Group, Nation or People: Mandalgu | Colony/State/Territory at the time: QLD

This massacre is part of a group of massacres

Following the Cullin-la-Ringo massacre on the Nogoa River and immediate reprisals of colonists and the Native Police, reinforcements of Native Police under Captain Bligh were ordered to the area (QSA GOV/23/61/74 (DR110747) ITM17671, p 127).

In his report of 2nd December, 1861, Captain Bligh described the 3 main patrols despatched: 'There is a force of eighteen troopers now stationed on the Nogoa and Comet; six of whom under 2nd Lieut. Moorehead are engaged in patrolling the stations to the east of Expedition Range, six more under 2nd Lieut. Cave are patrolling the neighbourhood of the late massacre, and the remainder under 2nd Lieut. Williams will also patrol there' (QSA COL/A23/61/3038 (DR57340) ITM846753, p 140).

In his report 2nd Lieutenant W. Moorehead of the Native Mounted Police wrote, 'I continued following their tracks until the morning of the 14th inst when a little after daylight, I came upon and found the Blacks (which I had followed 17 days) in their encampment, in a Brigalow scrub, eastwards of Expedition Ranges, and about 9 or 10 miles westward of Mer Masters Station. Upon seeing the Police they (the Blacks) at once .... every disposition to fight - brandishing their tomahawks and throwing several Nulla Nullas at the men and seeing that I could not disperse by quiet means - I was forced to order the Police under my command to fire upon them. Finding they were reluctant to leave the vicinity of their encampment. I made the Police [illegible] & follow the Blacks for some hours thro' the scrub. Before leaving I found that nine of their number were shot by the Police.' Native Police and some colonists were frustrated that Aboriginal people were sheltered at some stations. Moorehead added that survivors had fled to two neighbouring stations where one station owner said that 'he would protect them to the utmost of his power' (QSA COL/A26/62/823, ITM 846756. pp169-177).

In his report of 28 December, 1861, Bligh wrote 'I have abundant evidence to disprove W Dutton's assertion that the Blacks do not cross and recross Expedition Range, upon which he would ground his argument that his Blacks and all those inside his station could not have been concerned in the Nogoa massacre. I enclose a copy of a Report from 2nd Lieutenant Cave on the subject - and would further state that Blacks who had been wounded in the late affray and on the western side of that Range have been seen being carried by their accomplices across W Govern[?] Run on the Mimosa Creek, thirty or forty miles inside W Duttons and within one hundred miles of Rockhampton' (QSA COL/A25, DR110722, ITM3682016).

Victims Killed: 9 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Bowen to Newcastle, 16 Dec. 1861, QSA GOV/23/61/74 (DR110747) ITM17671 https://www.archivessearch.qld.gov.au/items/ITM3682012; QSA COL/A26/62/823, (DR64776.pdf) ITM 846756. pp169-177 https://www.archivessearch.qld.gov.au/items/ITM846756; QSA COL/A25, DR110722, ITM3682016 https://www.archivessearch.qld.gov.au/items/ITM3682016 Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=650

Language Group, Nation or People: Gayiri | Colony/State/Territory at the time: QLD

According to former Native Police Commandant Frederick Walker, by then part-owner of the nearby Planet Downs station, in 1862 a detachment of native police led by Second-Lieutenant Alfred March Patrick drove off Gayiri people from Christopher Rolleston's station at Albinia Downs (Bottoms, 2013, p 49). 'Frederick Walker wrote to the Colonial Secretary stating that the "peace was broken by the Native Police under Mr Patrick, attacking and killing and wounding several of the friendly blacks at Mr Rolleston's station" ... There is no record of how many were killed or wounded, but the peace had been irretrievably broken' (Bottoms 2013 p. 49).

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Bottoms, 2013, p 49. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=682

Language Group, Nation or People: Buyibara | Colony/State/Territory at the time: QLD

According to The Courier, the Native Police under Lieutenant Wheeler massacred seven Aboriginal people, including Harry Pring, who had done nothing to provoke this action. Lieutenant Wheeler did not deny this but claimed that he had been instructed to 'disperse' Aboriginal people where ever they gathered.

'The result of our investigations has been the establishment of the truth of all that we previously asserted, and the confirmation of the impression that the attack upon the blacks was most wanton and unprovoked. It appears that, upon the occasion of the massacre, the blacks were holding a corroboree, and that, while they were so engaged, the Native Police surprised their camp, fired upon them, and killed seven men and one gin, besides wounding others, one of whom, an old gin, has not yet recovered. Most of the bodies have been removed by the blacks themselves, but two were still lying at the scene of the slaughter when one of our informants last visited the spot. One of the men shot was well known about town by the soubriquet of Harry Pring, and was not altogether an immaculate being, but we are not aware that his murderers were justified in shooting him down in cold blood, together with seven of his companions. We cannot gather that the blacks had lately been troublesome in the locality where the massacre occurred; our informants state positively that they had been very peaceably and quietly disposed of late, and had done nothing to justify the attack made by the Native Police. Lieutenant Wheeler, the officer in charge of the detachment, we are told defends his conduct on the ground that his instructions compel him to disperse the blacks wherever they may have congregated, but we have yet to learn that those instructions warrant such an act as that to which we refer.' (Courier, October 4, 1862, p 2).

Victims Killed: 7 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Courier October 4, 1862, p 2 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/4608375/47987 Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=659

Colony/State/Territory at the time: QLD

A retired native police trooper told James Cassady that he was part of the detachment that was responsible for 'dispersing' nine Aboriginal people at Waterview Station, south of Ingham, in reprisal for killing two white men near Strathalbyn station and that the skeletons could still be seen. Cassady wrote of the incident in a letter published in the The Queenslander on 23 October 1880, p 530. Historian Tim Bottoms considers that the incident took place in 1864 (Bottoms 2013, p 114).

Victims Killed: 9 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: The Queenslander, October 23, 1880, p 530; Bottoms, 2013, p 114. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=979

Language Group, Nation or People: Ngarla | Colony/State/Territory at the time: WA

Some time in the middle of 1864 violent confrontations between colonists and local Ngarla people took place on the newly established De Grey Station in the Pilbara.

In 1864 it was reported that, 'The De Grey natives had made a most determined attack

upon Mr. Nairn and his men, but were repulsed, and so severely punished as will probably teach them not to meddle with white men for some years to come' (The Perth Gazette and Independent Journal of Politics and News, Fri 12 Aug 1864, p 2).

More detail was reported later in 1886:

'At length, when all suspicion of hostility on the part of the blacks had died out, their savage instincts asserted themselves, and they concocted a plot, diabolical in its ingenuity, for destroying the whole of the white men. They decided to await the arrival of the Mystery with supplies, and when the latter had been landed and stored, it was arranged to have a grand corroboree to which all the white men would be invited, and when the latter were ail gathered close around, a large yamena (Dugong) net was to be drawn around them after which they could be speared without difficulty, the natives naturally concluding that the white victims

would come unarmed. Like many other well laid-plans, the diabolical scheme failed owing to being imperfectly carried out. On the evening in question Mr.

Nairn whilst sitting in his verandah after tea enjoying a pipe, was invited by two lusty blacks, to come over to the camp -- only about 200 yards off, where about 100

natives were congregated -- to see a corroboree. The other whites were also invited, but the latter not being quite ready the manager started away with the

two decoys, without the slightest suspicion of foul play. As they passed over the crest of a slight ridge between the house and camp the miscreants, evidently, wishing to have the honor of shedding first blood, turned upon Mr. Nairn and knocked him down, their accomplices rushing up with clubs to finish him. ln the meantime, a young man named Conway, who stood in the verandah watching the departure of Mr. Nairn and the two blacks, saw that something was wrong, so he called out to the men to arm themselves, and, seizing a revolver, rushed to the rescue of his chief, firing a shot from the revolver as he ran. This report startled the natives and gave Mr. Nairn a chance to get to his legs, when he ran towards Conway and seized the revolver, which, to his chagrin, would not go off again owing to the tumbler getting locked. However, by this time the other white men had reached the spot, and the blacks seeing that their plot had failed suddenly dispersed, leaving most of their newly formed clubs on the ground. As might be supposed, the little band, who had so narrowly escaped death, passed a sleepless night, and when day broke horses were saddled, and a party started on the tracks of the would-be murderers, whom they came upon about midday and

taught a lesson that they have never forgotten' (Western Mail, 6 March 1886, p13).

Smith's (2020) research on this massacre cites directly or indirectly:

Pietro Ferrara, letter to The West Australian, 16 November 1892;

The Western Mail, 6 March 1886;

The Inquirer, August 1864;

Nairn 1986, p 44;

Austen 1998, pp 49-50; and

Charles Nairn, diary, cited in Nairn 1980.

No precise numbers of those killed are given in the sources, apart from Pietro Ferrara's estimate of up to forty killed in his time at De Grey Station over the years 1863 to 1866. The estimate of ten killed in this massacre is based on what is implied by the various accounts.

Victims Killed: 10 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Blight 2024 https://maryblight.com/2024/02/25/massacres-on-noongar-boodjar-from-1830-onwards/>https://maryblight.com/2024/02/25/massacres-on-noongar-boodjar-from-1830-onwards/; Smith 2020; Western Mail, 6 March 1886, p13 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/32700695; The Perth Gazette and Independent Journal of Politics and News, Fri 12 Aug 1864, p 2 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/2935216. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=1111

Language Group, Nation or People: Jangga | Colony/State/Territory at the time: QLD

Following the killing of two shepherds by Aboriginal people at Hermitage Station, recently leased by Mr Raymond and Cuthbert Featherstonhaugh, a native police detachment under the command of Sub-Inspector Reginald Uhr, and a party of volunteers, set off on a punitive expedition in search of the Aboriginal perpetrators. Ten days later the expedition came across the Jangga in the scrub near the junction of the Suttor and Belyando Rivers and shot 12 of them. According to historian Tim Bottoms, (2013) several women were also captured and Fetherstonhaugh and Uhr then shared their dinner surrounded by the corpses and the bound and roped women.

Victims Killed: 14 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Maryborough Chronicle, Wide Bay and Burnett Advertiser, April 1, 1865, p 2http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article147933024; Fetherstonhaugh, 1917, pp 272-274; Richards, 2008, p 264; Bottoms, 2013, pp 109-110. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=953

Language Group, Nation or People: Woolna | Colony/State/Territory at the time: SA

Gordon Reid (1990) wrote that a soldier, Pearson, was unhorsed and wounded while another, FH Litchfield, was struck and disabled. Two horses were speared. Going to their aid in a party, Alaric Ward shot an Aboriginal man and the Aborigines retreated. Col BT Finniss, who was in charge of the settlement, appointed his son Frederick as the head of a mounted and foot party. 'As they set out on 8 September eastwards towards Chambers Bay, William McMinn, who had charge of the foot party, asked Frederick Finniss what was to be done. Young Finniss replied: "Shoot every bloody native you see". When asked later by the royal commission whether he understood that the orders implied an indiscriminate massacre of the natives, McMinn replied: "Everyone could interpret the orders in his own way". He could see "from the feeling coming from them" that his men would slaughter the Aborigines. Three of them trapped an Aborigine behind some scrub and, instead of taking him prisoner, one of them shot him dead. The whites then went to the native camp, recovered stolen property and destroyed the camp. They then encountered the surveyor, JWO Bennett, who "ordered them not to kill a native within fifty yards of his camp", apparently because he feared the Aborigines would associate him with this action. It was too late; they had already done so. 'When the party returned to Escape Cliffs, Finniss complimented his son by saying, "Well done, Freddy, I thought you would let them see". Some time later, Alaric Ward was out of the whites' camp and was killed by the natives' (Reid 1990, pp 32-33).

Finniss, responding to F Rymill during the Northern Territory Commission of Inquiry, said: 'The government had sent the party to occupy their territory without regard to their wishes, and if we were to remain there we were to overcome their hostility; and this, as we had proved, could not be done by means of conciliation and forebearance' (cited in Reid p 34).

Victims Killed: 10 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 1 (Colonists). Sources: Reid, 1990; Austin, 1992; SA Parliament Northern Territory Commission of Inquiry, 1866. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=999

Language Group, Nation or People: Gunggari / Mandandandji | Colony/State/Territory at the time: QLD

After four shepherds were killed and sheep taken at Mungullalla station, the Native Police followed tracks but were ambushed at night. They escaped, returned and killed eight or nine Aboriginal people.

'From up the Warrego we have reliable information of four

murders by the blacks - two shepherds belonging to Mr. Grenfell, and two travellers found dead in their blankets on the

Wara. The station's name where the shepherds perished is Mungullalla. From Mr. Bullmore's shepherd were taken by

force a quantity of sheep, which were tracked by the native police, under Captain Lambert, and Mr. Lowe, magistrate. A

surprise at night was contemplated by the blacks, but was frustrated by the vigilance of Mr. Lowe; they had time to mount,

ride off, and return to lay eight or nine of the rascals in the dust. Mr. James Grimes has been driven in from Kennedy's

Creek, close to the Yow Yow, and has taken refuge at Wiseman's, leaving all his property behind. Other outrages have

been committed much further down the river, and it will surprise none here if there are other hostile acts' (The Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser Tue 13 Dec 1864, p 3).

Victims Killed: 8 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: The Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser Tue 13 Dec 1864, p 3 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/18712906 Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=1109

Language Group, Nation or People: Kunjen / Kokomini | Colony/State/Territory at the time: QLD

This massacre is part of a group of massacres

In December 1864, the brothers Frank and Alexander Jardine were leading a cattle droving expedition from Rockhampton to Somerset, Cape York, where their father was police magistrate. According to the brothers' account, 'Whilst they were engaged in marking a line for a crossing place for the cattle, they saw some blacks, and tried to avoid them, these however ran in the direction of the cattle, and brandishing their spears laughingly, defied the horsemen, beckoning them to come on. With this they complied, and turned them back over the creek, and then sat down awaiting the arrival of the cattle. They were not allowed to remain long in peace, for the natives, having left their gins on the other side, swam over the creek and tried to surround them. Being thus forced into a 'row,' the Brothers determined to let them have it, only regretting that some of the party were not with them, so as to make the lesson a more severe one. The assailants spread out in a circle to try and surround them, but seeing eight or nine of their companions drop, made them think better of it, and they were finally hunted back again across the river, leaving their friends behind them. The firing was heard by the cattle party, but before they could come up, the fray was over.' F .J. Byerley, the editor of the Jardine Brothers' journals, noted that, 'In this case, as in all others, the collision was forced on the explorers, who, as a rule, always avoided making use of their superior arms' (Byerley, 1867, np).

Victims Killed: 8 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Byerley, FJ, 1867. Gutenberg online, np. https://gutenberg.net.au/ebooks/e00026.html Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=1082

Language Group, Nation or People: Kunjen / Kokomini | Colony/State/Territory at the time: QLD

This massacre is part of a group of massacres

In December 1864, the brothers Frank and Alexander Jardine were leading a droving expedition from Rockhampton to Somerset at the tip of Cape York where their father was the magistrate for the entire region. On 18 December 1864, two days after a massacre to the south, they reached the Mitchell River and set up camp. According to the Jardines, they were immediately attacked by 70 or 80 Aboriginal warriors. '[T]heir [spears] now coming much too close to be pleasant (for some of them were thrown a hundred yards) the three [horsemen] turned suddenly on their pursuers, and galloping up to them, poured in a volley, the report of which brought down their companions from the camp, when the skirmish became general. The natives at first stood up courageously, but either by accident or through fear, despair or stupidity, they got huddled in a heap, in, and at the margin of the water, when ten carbines poured volley after volley into them from all directions, killing and wounding with every shot with very little return, nearly all their spears having been expended in the pursuit of the horsemen. About thirty being killed,the leader thought it prudent to hold his hand, and let the rest escape. Many more must have been wounded and probably drowned, for 59 rounds were counted as discharged' (Byerley 1867, np).

Victims Killed: 30 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Byerley, FJ 1867, Gutenberg online, np. https://gutenberg.net.au/ebooks/e00026.html Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=1077

Language Group, Nation or People: Kullilla | Colony/State/Territory at the time: QLD

In September 1865 reports emerged that John Dowling of Paroo in the Warrego District had been murdered by his Aboriginal assistant and guide, Waddy Galo, of the Buela River and that Mr William Hall and Mr George Podmore with an Aboriginal assistant had tracked them to where they found his body with his belongings and with his skull crushed (Sydney Mail, 2 Sep, 1865, p 4).

Long after the event, in 1922, E.O. Hobkirk claimed to have been at a massacre led by John Dowling's brother, Vincent Dowling, and attempted to sell his story for 10 shillings at the Home Secretary's Office. He wrote:

'When Mr Vincent Dowling heard the sad news, he was very math [sic] as well as may be expected and cut up.

A short time after he received the sad tidings, he came to Thouringowa Station. I was informed that he (Mr

Dowling) had written to the Queensland government authorities concerning the murder and the reply was "to

take whatever measures he thought best to revenge the murder" as there were no Native Police at that time in the District

to see to the matter.

The following procedure was adopted. All the men in the neighbourhood who were available and willing (not

including myself) were banded together, armed with revolvers and rifles, set out to revenge the blacks' camp,

which was close to the homestead and when doing so there they found belonging [sic] of the murdered man consisting of

his hat, coat, blankets, tomahawk, sheath knife etc.

Mr V Dowling who could talk the blacks' lingo pretty well asked several of them "who killed white fellah?

brother belonging to me." They one and all answered "they knew nothing about the murder." He also enquired,

"Where Pimpilly." This they also confessed "that they knew nothing whatever about him." Mr Dowling then said, "If

you do not tell me, I will shoot the lot of yous." Still they all remained silent. Mr Dowling and the others, then set

to work and put an end to many of them not touching the lubras and young fry. This I know is true as I helped

first to burn the bodies and then to bury them. A most unpleasant undertaking but as I was only a jackaroo on

Cheshunt station at the time, I had to do what I was told. Later in the day the party went to another camp of blacks

about 20 miles down the river and there again shot about the same number.

After the massacre, the whole tribe of blacks left the river frontage and that locality and went miles away out

in the ranges and elsewhere. We found it hard to prevent the few that were employed on the stations from doing

likewise as they were so scared at what had taken place that we had to lock them up in the hut that was used as

a store for a short time. For many months there was not A single black to be seen for miles around excepting

the few already mentioned among these was an elderly man who was deaf and dumb' (Hobkirk in Dillon, 2019, pp 108-110).

Although arguing against the veracity of details reported in this massacre, Dillon has researched and published many relevant sources (Dillon, 2019).

Hobkirk also tried to sell other stories, and Dillon highlights many discrepancies in details between his stories and other evidence. As Hobkirk was an old man recalling an event after 57 years and is trying to sell his story we should expect some details to be misremembered or exaggerated. None the less, it is most likely that his story has some basis in real events. Hobkirk's story begins with a verifiable event - the killing of John Dowling.

As well as the full text of Hobkirk's story, Dillon provides sources on a controversy in the press prior to John Dowling's murder that provides important context. In 1864 and 1865, a series of letters were published in newspapers beginning with a claim made by a correspondent referred to as 'Bourke' in 1864 that Mr Dowling had been killed by Aboriginal people (Dillon, 2019, pp 95-103).

About a year prior to the murder of John Dowling an article appeared stating that 'Mr Dowling, son of Judge Dowling' had been murdered along with three or four of his men. This appears to refer to either Vincent or John Dowling, though no first name was used, as their father was a judge. According to this article 3 or 4 men were murdered with Dowling and the Native Police and colonists were 'stuck up' and held under siege at Thom's station by Aboriginal people. Another group of Native Police came to reinforce them after 'dispersing' Aboriginal people at Tooth's run (The Armidale Express and New England General Advertiser, 25 Jun 1864, p 4)

This was contradicted by Vincent Dowling, who wrote that he was alive and that 'The blacks on the Paroo are the quietest I know in the colonies' (Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser, 12 July, 1864, p 3). 'Bourke' replied that it was a shepherd also named 'Dowling' who had been killed (Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser, 9 August, 1864, p 3). The exchange then focuses on whether the region is safe or dangerous, with Vincent Dowling arguing that '...many of those paragraphs are not only untrue in themselves, but calculated to seriously injure the character of the district... The Warrego district, which is, without exception one of the largest and most valuable possessed by Queensland, is not the lawless state your correspondent would evidently lead your readers to believe... I have no hesitation in asserting that the blacks are, as a body, perfectly inoffensive, quiet, and well disposed... This immunity from crime will, I think, convince every impartial member of the community that in this far distant portion of the Queensland territory there is greater security both for life and property than in any part of New South Wales...' (Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser, 1 April, 1865, p 5) Bourke's response stated that Mr Dowling (the shepherd) and others had died and lists the names of five men who had died of thirst, adding, 'And your correspondent did his duty in warning travellers against coming into this waterless country... We are only working men; but we read the papers, and know what is the truth and what is the untruth.' The letter from 'Bourke' is signed by 6 men of the Warrego River (Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser, 6 June, 1865, p 3).

From other news it appears that Vincent Dowlings was misrepresenting the situation. There was a drought in the region. It affected some more than others (The Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser, 7 Dec 1865, p 4) but was bad enough to force some pastoralists off their runs (The Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser, 14 Sep 1865, p 3). Vincent Dowling seems to be no exception to the hardships in the region as

Maxwell's short biography of Dowling says that, 'During his life in the far west it may be said that he fought with nature to achieve success. Many times he suffered agonies from thirst, on one occasion having been for seventy hours without water, and then just getting back to the settlement when at the last stage and almost dying. His knowledge of articles of food is very extensive, having been acquired under the pressure of starvation' (Maxwell, 1889, p 386).

Pastoralists in the Warrego were keen to sell parts of their runs which they could not fully utilise (Queensland Times, Ipswich Herald and General Advertiser, 9 Jul 1868 p 3). This is probably why Vincent Dowling was concerned over the reputation of the region and motivated to portray it favourably. Contrary to Vincent's claims, there was conflict with Aboriginal people in the region. That Vincent's own brother John Dowling was murdered by his Aboriginal servant in 1865 (after the correspondence around Dowling the shepherd being killed) belies his insistence that the region was safe. Two articles calling for more protection from the Native Police show that, far from being peaceful, in 1864 and 1865 there was conflict between Aboriginal people and colonists including murders and stock raids:

'Information has just reached Brisbane, by a gentleman whose veracity is unimpeachable, that two shepherds of Mr. Cameron's, a father and his son, have been very recently murdered on a creek which runs nearly midway between and parallel with the Mungalarla and the Angelarla

Creeks and from the same source I learn that a flock of sheep belonging to Messrs. Humphries and Bullmore, on the Ward river, had been taken from a shepherd, and before they could be rescued from the blacks over 130 had been killed, and that the blacks were getting very

troublesome all over the district. These outrages, I believe, result more from the way in which the Native Police are distributed

throughout the western districts, than from any want of more police or officers. The Warrego is a very remote and large district, and

the aborigines cannot be depended on in any part of it for the protection of life and property' (The Brisbane Courier, 9 Dec 1864 p 2).

Another article states:

'That this district has received no protection from the hostile natives - with which it swarms - except a small force of native police, under Lieutenant Lambert, who, although a very meritorious officer, finds it impossible with his force to guard efficiently a district extending in length to 500 miles' (The Age, 20 Apr 1865, p 5).

This is important context as the stress on resources created by drought, Aboriginal resistance and conflict including murders and stock theft, and the killing of Vincent's brother amount to a situation similar to events leading up to many other massacres throughout the history of frontier conflict in Australia. It also corresponds with Hobkirk's statement that Vincent and other colonists proceeded without police assistance as there were no Native Police available in the area, bearing in mind that although Native Police were sometimes active in the area, the complaint was that they were too few and too remote to be adequate.

In 1888 Charles F Maxwell wrote in a biography of Vincent Dowling that, 'Although exposed to frequent attacks from the blacks, he escaped without hurt, but not without some close shaves, as on one occasion he had a spear driven through his hat; and on another a boomerang thrown by a wild man cut open the ribs of the mare he was riding. Yet he did not retaliate, and not until 1865, when his brother John was murdered by the blacks, did he ever shed a drop of blackfellow's blood' (Maxwell, 1889, v1, p 185).

According to Hazel McKellar in Matyu-mundu one of these massacres is recorded in Kullilla oral history, 'Some whites say these people belonged to the "Bitharra" tribe but Peter Hood, a Kullilla descendant, is certain they were his people. He says the site of this massacre was further south towards Bulloo Downs' (McKellar, 1984, p. 57). This is most likely the second massacre mentioned by Hobkirk which he said was further south (See Bulloo Downs).

Various later accounts of this massacre claim the death toll of these massacres was as high as 300 (Bottoms 2013, p64). An estimate of 30 killed at each campsite is thus conservative. Although details may be uncertain it is most likely that the massacres described by Hobkirk and recorded in Kullilla oral history occurred.

Victims Killed: 30 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Sydney Mail, 2 Sep, 1865 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/16551220; Dillon, 2019; The Armidale Express and New England General Advertiser, 25 Jun 1864, p 4 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/188349532; Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser, 12 July, 1864, p 3 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/18705276; Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser, 9 August, 1864, p 3 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/139549; Sydney Morning Herald, 28 March 1865, p 6 Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser, 1 April, 1865, p 5 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/140033; Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser, 6 June, 1865, p 3 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/18706592/140167; The Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser, 7 Dec 1865, p 4 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/18700008; The Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser, 14 Sep 1865, p 3 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/18701195; Queensland Times, Ipswich Herald and General Advertiser, 9 Jul 1868 p 3 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/123355190; The Brisbane Courier, 9 Dec 1864 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/1265443; Dillon, 2020 https://pauldillon.org/2019/04/08/the-murder-of-john-francis-dowling-and-the-massacre-of-300-aborigines/; Maxwell, 1889, v1; McKellar, 1984, p 57 Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=675

Language Group, Nation or People: Woppaburra | Colony/State/Territory at the time: QLD

In 1865 a party of armed settlers led by 'Mr. R. Ross, Mr. R. Spence, Dr Callaghan, Lieutenant Walter Compigne of the Native Police, two black trackers and four [a]borigines, named Jack, Dundally, Tom and Paddle-nosed Peter' arrived on 'the southern end' of North Keppel Island to see if it was suitable for a cattle run. On the northern side of the island, they ambushed a group of Woppaburra people hiding in a cave (Bird, 1904, cited in Rowland, 2004, p 3). It appears that the native police shot seven or eight Woppaburra men and a woman with a cripple on her back. In his account Dr Callaghan did not mention the killings (see Rowland, 2004, pp 3-5). Two later accounts by R McClelland and Walter Roth, the Aboriginal Protector, were more forthcoming. McClelland said that when he visited the island some years later, 'the blacks showed me a line of bones over one hundred yards long, and told me that they belonged to a tribe of blacks who were shot by a boarding party of whites many years before...[and] and old black named "Jamie" told me all about the brutality of the shooting. He mentioned about an old gin who was trying to escape carrying a cripple on her back, and how both were mercilessly shot down' (McClelland cited in Rowland, 2004, p 5). In the 1890s, Walter Roth noted on his visit to North Keppel that 'the actual camping ground where at least 7 or 8 males were shot down one night in cold blood', was still to be seen, and that 'the father of one of the surviving gins (who described the scene that took place) being butchered while his little girl was clinging round his neck' (Roth cited in Rowland, 2004, p 5). It would appear that at least eight Woppaburra men were shot down along with a woman carrying the disabled child on her back. According to Michael Rowland 'at least one of the skulls from the Keppel Islands, which was held in the Queensland Museum (No. 67) 'contained entry and exit holes possibly caused by a low-velocity bullet' (Rowland, 2004, p 5).

Victims Killed: 10 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Rowland, 2004, pp 1-16. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=1003

Language Group, Nation or People: Yawru, Karajarri | Colony/State/Territory at the time: WA

In 1865 Frederick Kennedy Panter, aged 28, James Richard Harding, aged 25, and William Henry Goldwyer, aged 34, set off from Roebuck Bay to explore the La Grange coastal area. They did not return from the trip and the local colonists suspected they had been killed by local Yawru Karajarri people. Noted explorer Maitland Brown led an expedition to search for the men. In April 1865 they found them speared and clubbed to death (Scates, 1989). The expedition party including David Franciso and Lockier Burges launched a punitive expedition with one member George Leake stating 'it is our bounden duty to ascertain how and where they have fallen: and if by violence, avenge them' (Forrest 1996, p 18). On 6 April 1865 the party engaged a local group and killed up to 20 people (Leake cited in Scates, 1989, p 28). A large monument was erected in Fremantle Park to Goldwyer, Painter and Harding. In the early 2000s, the monument was altered to acknowledge the Aboriginal people killed in the reprisal massacre (Mills and Collins).

Victims Killed: 15 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Scates, 1989, pp 21-31; Forrest, 1996, pp 15-16; Australian News for Home Readers, 25 August 1865, pp 1 & 9; Mills and Collins https://www.abc.net.au/news/2017-08-29/explorers-monument-added-to-not-torn-down-or-vandalised/8853224; Drake-Brockman, H 'Brown, Maitland (1843–1905)', ADB, Vol 3, 1969. https://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/brown-maitland-3080 Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=891

Language Group, Nation or People: Kullilla, Bitharra | Colony/State/Territory at the time: QLD

This is the second of two massacres committed in this region, see Thouringowa Waterhole, Bulloo River, Bullawarra, Thargomindah)

Victims Killed: 30 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Sydney Mail, 2 Sep, 1865 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/16551220; Dillon, 2019; The Armidale Express and New England General Advertiser, 25 Jun 1864, p 4 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/188349532; Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser, 12 July, 1864, p 3 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/18705276; Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser, 9 August, 1864, p 3 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/139549; Sydney Morning Herald, 28 March 1865, p 6 Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser, 1 April, 1865, p 5 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/140033; Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser, 6 June, 1865, p 3 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/18706592/140167; The Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser, 7 Dec 1865, p 4 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/18700008; The Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser, 14 Sep 1865, p 3 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/18701195; Queensland Times, Ipswich Herald and General Advertiser, 9 Jul 1868 p 3 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/123355190; The Brisbane Courier, 9 Dec 1864 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/1265443; Dillon, 2020 https://pauldillon.org/2019/04/08/the-murder-of-john-francis-dowling-and-the-massacre-of-300-aborigines/; McKellar, 1984, p 57 Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=1108

Language Group, Nation or People: Yuru | Colony/State/Territory at the time: QLD

Reported in the Wagga Wagga Express 25 August 1866: 'Only last week Mr Sub-Inspector (Reginald) Uhr dispersed a mob of over 200 encamped near Euri Creek. They were evidently bent on mischief of some sort from the number of spears they had made. Mr Uhr brought in between thirty and forty and destroyed about six times that number. They were also well supplied with green-hide, and evident proof that they had been already victimising some unfortunate cattle-owner. Natives from very distant tribes, both southward and westward, were noticed among them.'

Victims Killed: 30 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Wagga Wagga Express and Murrumbidgee District Advertiser, August 25, 1866, p 4 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/105997860. Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=954

Language Group, Nation or People: Margany | Colony/State/Territory at the time: NSW

On 5 September 1866 news arrived from Warrego that strongly implied a massacre had occurred involving the Native Police: 'News arrived here last night that the Bulla blacks

attacked Mr. William Sly, spearing his horse, and that a lesson has been gently taught them not likely to be forgotten. I am glad to say that an energetic officer,

with a sergeant and a troop of black troopers, are stationed on the Yougha Creek, and their presence has had a beneficial result already' (The Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser, 6 Sep 1866, p 4). According to Dargin, Mr Sly was one of Bourke's first publicans (Dargin, p 59).

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: The Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser, 6 Sep 1866, p 4 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/18730560; Evening News, 27 Sep 1877 p 3 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/108201527 Corroboration Rating: *.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=1119

Colony/State/Territory at the time: QLD

Two weeks after the Aboriginal killing of Henry Clark on the Belyando River, 83 miles (133 km) from the native police camp at Mt McConnell, a detachment of 18 native police troopers led by Reginald Uhr and Frederick Murray, and accompanied by Mr Bulgin, manager of St Anne's station on the Suttor River, arrived at the Belyando and 'proceeded on their tracks, and after some days' pursuit, overtook, and succeeded in shooting eight or ten of the blacks' (Brisbane Courier, November 2, 1866, p 2). It appears that the massacre took place at Dunjarrobina Waterhole.

Victims Killed: 8 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Brisbane Courier, November 2, 1866, p 2 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/1276219; Gympie Times and Mary River Mining Gazette, December 19, 1903, p12 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/page/19131405. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=955

Colony/State/Territory at the time: QLD

According to historian Clive Moore (1990), in February 1867, settler John Cook at Balnagowan station, on the north side of the Pioneer River, found 'one cow dead from spear wounds and one speared and hamstrung but alive.' He telegraphed for the Native Police who did not arrive until April, led by Acting Sub-Inspector Johnstone, a local man from Lansdown Valley. They patrolled for several days 'along the north side of the [Pioneer] River,...coming across several Aboriginal Camps, one inhabited by upwards of 200 Aborigines' (Moore, 1990, p 65). On 24 April, the Mackay Mercury and South Kennedy Advertiser (1867, p 2) reported that: 'they were dealt with in the usual and only effectual mode of restraining their savage propensities by the officer and party, so that we may now hope that life and property will be safe for a time on the other side of the river.' Clive Moore (1990, p 68) concluded: 'There seems no doubt that a massacre occurred at [Mt Mandurana] 'The Leap' in 1867 and that the survivor was a female Aborigine, probably about two or three years old...[and that] the woman and probably others from her tribe were forced to jump. There are caves at the top of the mountain that the Aborigines used, presumably for temporary shelters, while out hunting in pre-1862 years, and also as hiding places when under attack post 1862. They may not have expected the Native Police to pursue them to the top of the mountain, then found themselves with no option but to face the troopers' carbines or go over the precipice.'

It is estimated that at least 50 Aboriginal people were killed during the Native Police patrol.

Victims Killed: 50 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Moore, 1990, pp 61-79; Mackay Mercury and South Kennedy Advertiser April 24, 1867, p 2 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article169701076. Corroboration Rating: **.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=1014

Colony/State/Territory at the time: QLD

After Sub-Inspector Aubin 'received information of the blackfellows robbing a shepherd's hut on the Messrs. Archer's station; that they were were creating distubances at Morinish, and in one instance had threatened to strike the wife of a miner with a tomahawk...' (Brisbane Courier, 18 Jul 1867 p 3), on 7 July 1867, a native police detachment of four troopers, led by sub-Inspector Myrtil Aubin killed 'several "quiet" Aboriginal people' at dawn, camped at Morinish gold diggings, west of Rockhampton. Local residents were horrified by the killings and the incident was reported in the Rockhampton press (Queensland Times, 20 July 1867). An inquiry led by Lieutenant Murray from the native police at Rockhampton, was conducted and his report, together the statements by the Morinish residents, Davis, Wilson, Cunningham and one other, and the statement by Aubin, were sent to the Police Commissioner in Brisbane (Brisbane Courier, 18 July 1867, p.3).

While the exact number of dead is not known, witnesses found two campsites with blood and saw the bodies of a man named 'Tommy', a girl and young boy pulled from a waterhole. (Rockhampton Bulletin and Central Queensland Advertiser, 16 July 1867 p 2) The Queensland Times added to this that, 'The body of the old man has since been found dead on one of the heights in the neighbourhood of the town' and 'Scattered over the bush were to be seen several black troopers belonging to the Native Police, in close pursuit of the fugitives...' (Queensland Times, 20 July 1867)

At the inquiry Mr. Aubin said that 'it was necessary to make the troopers feared by the natives, and he had only done his duty' (Rockhampton Bulletin and Central Queensland Advertiser, 16 July 1867 p 2).

According to Jonathan Richards, a historian of the native police, Aubin was dismissed by the Executive Council shortly afterwards (Richards, 2008, p 48).

Victims Killed: 6 (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander People); Attackers Killed: 0 (Colonists). Sources: Brisbane Courier, 18 July 1867, p.3 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/1285926; Queensland Times, 20 July 1867 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/123612787; Rockhampton Bulletin and Central Queensland Advertiser, 16 July 1867, p 2 https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/51574646; Richards, 2008, p 48. Corroboration Rating: ***.

Database record: https://c21ch.newcastle.edu.au/colonialmassacres/detail.php?r=665