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Highlights from James Cook’s First Voyage

Dated timeline · 41 events

Lieutenant James Cook’s voyage aboard His Majesty’s Bark Endeavour (1768–1771) stands as a landmark of discovery, endurance, and innovation. From the harbours of Plymouth to Rio de Janeiro, Tahiti, New Zealand, the east coast of Australia, and the fever-ridden port of Batavia (now Jakarta), the expedition advanced the frontiers of science, navigation, and maritime health.

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  1. About This Timeline

    This timeline presents the story of Lieutenant James Cook’s first great voyage through a series of selected highlights rather than daily entries. These selected events allow the expedition to be followed clearly and engagingly, while preserving the richness of the original accounts, helping readers follow the course of the voyage while maintaining its historical integrity and spirit of exploration.

    References:

    The central framework is based on Captain Cook’s Journal During His First Voyage Round the World, Made in H.M. Bark “Endeavour,” 1768–71, edited by W. J. L. Wharton (1893).

    Complemented by excerpts from:

    • An Account of the Voyages Undertaken by the Order of His Present Majesty for Making Discoveries in the Southern Hemisphere, Vol. III, by John Hawkesworth, LL.D.
    • The Endeavour Journal of Sir Joseph Banks, 1768–1771 (manuscript).

    Note on Dates: Cook used nautical time (noon to noon) while Banks used civil time (midnight to midnight), causing frequent one-day discrepancies between their journals. In this compilation, dates have been aligned or adjusted where necessary to maintain chronological coherence in the voyage’s narrative.

    Disclaimer: The images, maps, and routes included are intended for reference and illustration. They are based on journal descriptions and historical records where available, with reasonable assumptions where data is incomplete. Coordinates have been adjusted for use with modern mapping systems, as 18th-century navigational methods differ from those used today. Distances, bearings, and locations shown are approximate. No claim of complete historical accuracy or cartographic precision is made or implied.

  2. 26 August 1768

    Departure from Plymouth, England (August 1768)

    Cook’s Journal (Wharton):

    “Friday, 26th. First part fresh Breezes and Cloudy, remainder little wind and Clear. At 2 p.m. got under Sail and put to Sea, having on board 94 Persons, including Officers, Seamen, Gentlemen, and their Servants; near 18 Months’ Provisions, 10 Carriage Guns, 12 Swivels, with good Store of Ammunition and Stores of all kinds. At 8 the Dodman Point West-North-West, distant 4 or 5 Leagues; at 6 a.m. the Lizard bore West-North-West 1/2 West, 5 or 6 Leagues distant. At Noon Sounded and had 50 fathoms, Grey sand with small Stones and broken Shells. Wind North by West, North-West, West by South; course South 21 degrees East; distance 23 miles; latitude 49 degrees 30 minutes North, longitude 5 degrees 52 minutes West; at noon, Lizard North 21 degrees West distant 23 miles.”

    Cook’s Journal (Hawkesworth), August 26, 1768:

    “On Friday the 26th of August, the wind becoming fair, we got under sail, and put to sea. On the 31st, we saw several of the birds which the sailors call Mother Carey’s Chickens, and which they suppose to be the forerunners of a storm; and on the next day we had a very hard gale, which brought us under our courses, washed over-board a small boat belonging to the Boatswain, and drowned three or four dozen of our poultry, which we regretted still more.”

    Banks’s Journal, August 25, 1768:

    “After having waited in this place ten days, the ship, and everything belonging to me, being all that time in perfect readyness to sail at a moments warning, we at last got a fair wind, and this day at 3 O’Clock in the even weigd anchor, and set sail, all in excellent health and spirits perfectly prepard (in Mind at least) to undergo with Chearfullness any fatigues or dangers that may occur in our intended Voyage.”

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    Approximate Location: click to enlarge map or open in Google Maps.

  3. 25 October 1768

    "Crossing the Line" (the Equator)

    Cook’s Journal (Wharton):

    “Wednesday, 26th. First part light Airs and Cloudy weather, the remainder a Moderate Breeze and Cloudy. After we had got an observation, and it was no longer Doubted that we were to the Southward of the Line, the Ceremony on this occasion practis’d by all Nations was not Omitted. Every one that could not prove upon the Sea Chart that he had before Crossed the Line was either to pay a Bottle of Rum or be Duck’d in the Sea, which former case was the fate of by far the Greatest part on board; and as several of the Men chose to be Duck’d, and the weather was favourable for that purpose, this Ceremony was performed on about 20 or 30, to the no small Diversion of the Rest. Wind South-East to South-South-East; course South 31 degrees West; distance 77 miles; latitude 1 degree 21 minutes South, longitude 30 degrees 18 minutes West; at noon, Bonavista, South-East point, North 25 degrees 30 minutes East, 385 leagues.”

    Cook’s Journal (Hawkesworth), October 25, 1768 :

    “On the 25th, we crossed the line with the usual ceremonies in longitude 29° 30′, when, by the result of several very good azimuths, the variation was 2° 24′”

    Banks’s Journal, October 25, 1768:

    “This morn about 8 O’Clock crossed the AEquinoctial line in about 33  degrees West Longitude from Greenwich, at the rate of four knotts which our seamen said was an uncommonly good breeze, the Thermometer standing at 29. (The Thermometers used in this voyage are two of Mr Birds making after Farenheights scale, which seldom differ above a degree from each other and that not till they are as high as 80, in which case the medium between the two instruments is set down.) This Evening the ceremony of ducking the ships company was performed as always customary on crossing the line, when those who have crossd it before Claim a right of ducking all that have not, the whole of the ceremony I shall describe.

    About dinner time a list was brought into the cabbin containing the names of every body and thing aboard the ship, in which the dogs and catts were not forgot; to this was affixd a petition, sign’d ‘the ships company,’ desiring leave to examine every body in that List that it might be know[n] whether or not they had crossd the line before. This was immediately granted; every body was then calld upon the quarter deck and examind by one of the lieutenants who had crossd, he markd every name either to be duckd or let off according as their qualifications directed. Captn Cooke and Doctor Solander were on the Black list, as were my self my servants and doggs, which I was oblig’d to compound for by giving the Duckers a certain quantity of Brandy for which they willingly excusd us the ceremony.

    Many of the Men however chose to be duckd rather than give up 4 days allowance of wine which was the price fixd upon, and as for the boys they are always duckd of course; so that about 21 underwent the ceremony which was performd thus:

    A block was made fast to the end of the Main Yard and a long line reved through it, to which three Cross peices of wood were fastned, one of which was put between the leggs of the man who was to be duckd and to this he was tyed very fast, another was for him to hold in his hands and the third was over his head least the rope should be hoisted too near the block and by that means the man be hurt. When he was fas[t]ned upon this machine the Boatswain gave the command by his whistle and the man was hoisted up as high as the cross peice over his head would allow, when another signal was made and immediately the rope was let go and his own weight carried him down, he was then immediately hoisted up again and three times served in this manner which was every mans allowance. Thus ended the diversion of the day, for the ducking lasted till almost night, and sufficiently diverting it certainly was to see the different faces that were made on this occasion, some grinning and exulting in their hardiness whilst others were almost suffocated and came up ready enough to have compounded after the first or second duck, had such proceeding been allowable.

    It is now time that I should say something of the climate and degree of heat since crossing the tropick, as we have been for some time within the bounds which were supposd by the ancients to be uninhabitable on account of their heat.

    Almost immediately on crossing the tropick the air became sensibly much damper than usual, tho not materialy hotter, the thermometer then in general stood from 80 to 82. The nearer we approachd to the calms still the damper every thing grew, this was perceivable even to the human body and very much so, but more remarkably upon all kinds of furniture: every thing made of Iron rusted so fast that the knives in peoples pockets became almost useless and the razors in cases not free. All kinds of Leather became mouldy, Portfolios and truncks coverd with black leather were almost white, soon after this mould adheerd to almost every thing, all the books in my Library became mouldy so that they were obligd to be wiped to preserve them. About this time we came into the calms which we met with earlier than usual; the thermometer was then at 83 and we sufferd from the heat and damp together. Bathing however kept me in perfect health, tho many of the ship[s] company were ill of bilious complaints which however were but of short duration.

    This continued till we got the S.E. trade, when or a little before the glass fell to 88 and soon to 78 and 79, but the dampness continued yet; to that I cheifly attribute the ill success of the Electrical experiments of which I have wrote an account on separate papers that the different experiments may appear at one view.

    The air during the whole time sin[c]e we crossed the tropick and indeed sometime before has been nearly of the same temperature throughout the 24 hours, the Thermometer seldom rising above a degree during the time the sun is above the horizon. The windows of the cabbin have been open without once being shut ever since we left Madeira.”

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    Approximate Location: click to enlarge map or open in Google Maps.

  4. 14 November 1768

    Arrival at Rio de Janeiro

    Cook’s Journal (Wharton):

    “Monday, 14th. Moderate Sea and Low breezes and fine pleasant weather. At 5 p.m. Anchored in 5 fathoms just above the Isle of Cobras, which lies before the City of Rio De Janeiro. A little before we Anchor’d the Pinnace return’d and informed me that the Vice Roy had thought proper to detain the Officer until I went ashore.

    Soon after we Anchored a Boat came on board bringing several of the Vice Roy’s Officers, who asked many Questions in respect to the Ship: Cargo, from whence she came, Number of Guns, Men, etc., all of which was Answered to their satisfaction. They told me it was the Custom of the Port to Detain the first Officer that came from any Ship on her first Arrival until a Boat from the Vice Roy had Visited her; that my Officer would be sent on board as soon as they got on shore, which was accordingly done. About this time a Boat filled with Soldiers kept rowing about the Ship, which had orders, as I afterwards understood, not to Suffer any one of the Officers or Gentlemen, except myself, to go out of the Ship.

    In the Morning I waited upon the Vice Roy and obtained leave to purchase Provisions, Refreshments, etc., for the Ship, but obliged me to employ a person to buy them for me under a pretence that it was the Custom of the Place, and he likewise insisted (notwithstanding all I could say to the contrary), on putting a Soldier into the Boats that brought anything to or from the Ship, alledging that it was the Orders of his Court, and they were such as he could not Dispence with, and this indignity I was obliged to submit to, otherwise I could not have got the supplys I wanted; being willing, as much as in me lay, to avoid all manner of Disputes that might cause the least delay, and at the same time to Convince him that we did not come here to Trade, as I believe he imagined–for he Certainly did not believe a word about our being bound to the Southward to observe the Transit of Venus, but looked upon it only as an invented story to cover some other design we must be upon, for he could form no other Idea of that Phenomenon (after I had explained it to him), than the North Star Passing through the South Pole; these were his own words.

    He would not permit the Gentlemen to reside ashore during our Stay here, nor permit Mr. Banks to go into the country to gather plants, etc.; but not the least hint was given me at this time that no one of the Gentlemen was to come out of the Ship but myself, or that I was to be put under a Guard when I did come; but this I was soon Convinced of after I took my leave of His Excellency and found that an Officer was to attend upon me whereever I went, which at first the Vice Roy pretended was only meant as a Complement, and to order me all the Assistance I wanted. This day the People were Employed in unbending the Sails, in fitting and rigging the Spare Topmasts in the room of the others, and getting on shore Empty Water Casks.”

    Cook’s Journal (Hawkesworth), November 12, 1768 :

    “We stood off and on along the shore till the 12th, and successively saw a remarkable hill near Santo Espirito, then Cape St. Thomas, and then an island just without Cape Trio, which in some maps is called the island of Trio, and which being high, with a hollow in the middle, has the appearance of two islands when seen at a distance.

    On this day we stood along the shore for Rio de Janeiro, and at nine the next morning made sail for the harbour. I then sent Mr. Hicks, my first Lieutenant, before us in the pinnace, up to the city, to acquaint the Governor, that we put in there to procure water and refreshments; and to desire the assistance of a pilot to bring us into proper anchoring ground. I continued to stand up the river, trusting to Mr. Bellisle’s draught, published in the Petit Atlas maritime, Vol. II. N° 54, which we found very good, till five o’clock in the evening, expecting the return of my Lieutenant; and just as I was about to anchor, above the island of Cobras, which lies be fore the city, the pinnace came back without him, having on board a Portuguese officer, but no pilot.

    The people in the boat told me, that my Lieutenant was detained by the Viceroy till I should go on shore. We came immediately to an anchor; and, almost at the same time, a ten oared boat, full of soldiers, came up and kept rowing round the ship, without exchanging a word: in less than a quarter of an hour, another boat came on board with several of the Viceroy’s officers, who asked, Whence we came; what was our cargo; the number of men and guns on board; the object of our voyage, and several other questions, which we directly and truly answered.

    They then told me, as a kind of apology for detaining my Lieutenant, and putting an officer on board my pinnace, that it was the invariable custom of the place, to detain the first officer who came on shore from any ship on her arrival, till a boat from the Viceroy had visited her, and to suffer no boat to go either from or to a ship, while she lay there, without having a soldier on board. They said that I might go on shore when I pleased; but wished that every other person might remain on board till the paper which they should draw up had been delivered to the Viceroy, promising that, immediately upon their return, the Lieutenant should be sent on board.”

    Banks’s Journal, November 13, 1768:

    “This Morn the Harbour of Rio Janeiro was right ahead about 2 leagues off but it being quite Calm we made our aproaches very slowly. The sea was inconceveably full of small vermes which we took without the least dificulty; they were almost all new except Beroe labiata, Medusa radiata, fimbriata and Chrystallina, Dagysa []. Soon after that a fishing boat Came a board and sold us three Scombers which proved to be new and were calld Salmoneus; his baites were Clupea Chinensis of which we also procurd specimens.

     As soon as we came well into the River the Captn sent Mr Hicks his first Leutenant with a midshipman to get a pilot and stood up the river expecting him down very soon. He did not nor did the boat till we were on the point of dropping an anchor just under the town; the boat then came without either of our officers, in exchange for whom came a Subaltern Portugese who seemd to have no kind of Business with us; the Cockswain brought word from the Leutenant that he was detaind on shore till the Captain should go off.

    Soon after we came to an anchor a ten Oard boat came alongside the ship with 12 or 14 soldiers in it who rowed round us without taking any notice of us or saying a word; a quarter of an hour after came a boat in which was a Disembargador and a Colonel of a Portugese rejument who askd us many questions which at first seemd to discourage our stay, as telling us that the Governor would furnish us with any quantity of water in two days.

    In the conclusion however he was immensely civil telling us that the Governor would give us every assistance in his power; that the Leutenant had not been confind but on account of the Practica had not been allowd to go on shore, he should now however be sent on board immediately; that the Captain was welcome to go on shore now but he wishd the rest of the crew might remain on board till the Paper they drew up had been delivered.”

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    Approximate Location: click to enlarge map or open in Google Maps.

     

  5. 8 December 1768

    Departure from Rio de Janeiro

    Cook’s Journal (Wharton):

    “Thursday, December 8th. Fore and Middle parts Moderate breezes and Cloudy; remainder, little wind and Clear weather. At 3 p.m. the Boat returned from the Island; hoisted her in and made Sail at 6. The Sugar Loaf at the west Entrance of Rio de Janeiro bore North 1/2 East, distance 7 leagues; it lies from the City of Rio de Janeiro, from which I take my Departure, South-West 4 miles. Wind East-North-East, North-East, North by East; course South 7 degrees 30 minutes West; distance 85 miles; latitude 24 degrees 17 minutes South, longitude 42 degrees 29 minutes West.”

    Cook’s Journal (Hawkesworth), December 07, 1768 :

    “We did not get under sail till the 7th; and, when we had passed the fort, the pilot desired to be discharged. As soon as he was dismissed, we were left by our guard-boat, which had hovered about us from the first hour of our being in this place to the last: and Mr. Banks, having been prevented from going ashore at Rio de Janeiro, availed himself of her departure to examine the neighbouring islands, where, particularly on one in the mouth of the harbour called Raza, he gathered many species of plants, and caught a variety of infects.” 

    Excerpt from Banks’s Journal, December 07, 1768:

    “This morn weighd and stood out to sea. As soon as we came to Sta Cruz the pilot desired to be dischargd and with him our enemy the guard boat went off, so we were left our own masters and immediately resolved to go ashore on one of the Islands in the mouth of the harbour: their ran a great swell but we made shift to land on one calld Raza, on which we gatherd many species of Plants and some insects. Alstromeria salsilla was here in tolerable plenty and Amarillis mexicana, they were the most specious plants; we stayd till about 4 oClock and then came aboard the ship heartily tired, for the desire of doing as much as we could in a short time had made us all exert ourselves in a particular manner tho exposd to the hottest rays of the sun just at noonday.

    Now we are got fairly to Sea and have intirely got rid of these troublesome people I cannot help spending some time in describing them tho I was not myself once in their town, yet my intelligence coming from Dr Solander who was, and our Surgeon Mr Monkhouse a very sensible man who was ashore every day to buy our provisions, I think cannot err much from truth.”

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    Approximate Location: click to enlarge map or open in Google Maps.

     

  6. 17 January 1769

    At Cape Horn: A tragedy on Banks's and Solander’s Mountain Expedition for Plants

    Cook’s Journal (Wharton):

    “Tuesday, 17th. Fresh Gales at South-South-West and West-South-West with rain and Snow, and, of Course, very cold weather; notwithstanding we kept geting on board Wood and Water, and finished the Survey of the Bay. Mr. Banks and his Party not returning this Evening as I expected, gave me great uneasiness, as they were not prepared for Staying out the Night. However, about Noon they returned in no very Comfortable Condition, and what was still worse 2 blacks, servants to Mr. Banks, had perished in the Night with Cold.

    Great part of the day they landed was spent before they got through the Woods, after which they advanced so far into the Country that they were so far from being able to return that night, and with much difficulty they got to a place of Tolerable Shelter where they could make a fire: these 2 men being Intrusted with great part of the Liquor (that was for the whole party) had made too free with it, and Stupified themselves to that degree that they either could or would not Travel, but laid themselves down in a place where there was not the least thing to Shelter them from the inclemency of the night.

    This was about 1/4 of a Mile from where the rest took up their Quarters, and notwithstanding their repeated Endeavours, they could not get them to move one Step farther, and the bad travelling made it impossible for any one to Carry them, so that they were Obliged to leave them, and the next morning they were both found dead.”

    Cook’s Journal (Hawkesworth), January 16, 1769 :

    An Account of what happened in ascending a Mountain to search for Plants

    “On the 16th, early in the morning, Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, with their attendants and servants, and two seamen to assist in carrying the baggage, accompanied by Mr. Monkhouse the Surgeon, and Mr. Green the Astronomer, set out from the ship, with a view to penetrate as far as they could into the country, and return at night. The hills, when viewed at a distance, seemed to be partly a wood, partly a plain, and above them a bare rock. Mr. Banks hoped to get through the wood, and made no doubt, but that, beyond it, he should, in a country which no botanist had ever yet visited, find alpine plants which would abundantly compensate his labour. They entered the wood at a small sandy beach, a little to the westward of the watering-place, and continued to ascend the hill, through the pathless wilderness, till three o’clock, before they got a near view of the places which they intended to visit.

    Soon after they reached what they had taken for a plain; but, to their great disappointment, found it a swamp, covered with low bushes of birch, about three feet high, interwoven with each other, and so stubborn that they could not be bent out of the way; it was therefore necessary to lift the leg over them, which at every step was buried, ancle deep, in the soil. To aggravate the pain and difficulty of such travelling, the weather, which hitherto had been very fine, much like one of our bright days in May, became gloomy and cold; with sudden blasts of a most piercing wind, accompanied with snow. They pushed forward, however, in good spirits, notwithstanding their fatigue, hoping the worst of the way was past, and that the bare rock which they had seen from the tops of the lower hills was not more than a mile before them; but when they had got about two thirds over this woody swamp, Mr. Buchan, one of Mr. Banks’s draughtmen, was unhappily seized with a fit.

    This made it necessary for the whole company to halt, and as it was impossible that he should go any farther, a fire was kindled, and those who were most fatigued were left behind to take care of him. Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, Mr. Green, and Mr. Monkhouse went on, and in a short time reached the summit. As botanists, their expectations were here abundantly gratified; for they found a great variety of plants, which, with respect to the alpine plants in Europe, are exactly what those plants are with respect to such as grow in the plain.

    The cold was now become more severe, and the snow-blasts more frequent; the day also was so far spent, that it was found impossible to get back to the ship before the next morning: to pass the night upon such a mountain, in such a climate, was not only comfortless, but dreadful; it was impossible however to be avoided, and they were to provide for it as well as they could.

    Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, while they were improving an opportunity which they had, with so much danger and difficulty, procured, by gathering the plants which they found upon the mountain, sent Mr. Green and Mr. Monkhouse back to Mr. Buchan and the people that were with him, with directions to bring them to a hill, which they thought lay in a better rout for returning to the wood, and which was therefore appointed as a general rendezvous. It was proposed, that from this hill they should push through the swamp, which seemed by the new rout not to be more than half a mile over, into the shelter of the wood, and there build their wigwam, and make a fire: this, as their way was all down hill, it seemed easy to accomplish. Their whole company assembled at the rendezvous, and, though pinched with the cold, were in health and spirits, Mr. Buchan himself having recovered his strength in a much greater degree than could have been expected.

    It was now near eight o’clock in the evening, but still good day-light, and they set forward for the nearest valley, Mr. Banks himself undertaking to bring up the rear, and see that no straggler was left behind: this may perhaps be thought a superfluous caution, but it will soon appear to be otherwise. Dr. Solander, who had more than once crossed the mountains which divide Sweden from Norway, well knew that extreme cold, especially when joined with fatigue, produces a torpor and sleepiness that are almost irresistible: he therefore conjured the company to keep moving, whatever pain it might cost them, and whatever relief they might be promised by an inclination to rest: Whoever sits down, says he, will sleep; and whoever sleeps, will wake no more.

    Thus, at once admonished and alarmed, they set forward; but while they were still upon the naked rock, and before they had got among the bushes, the cold became suddenly so intense, as to produce the effects that had been most dreaded. Dr. Solander himself was the first who found the inclination, against which he had warned others, irresistible; and insisted upon being suffered to lie down. Mr. Banks intreated and remonstrated in vain, down he lay upon the ground, though it was covered with snow; and it was with great difficulty that his friend kept him from sleeping. Richmond also, one of the black servants, began to linger, having suffered from the cold in the same manner as the Doctor. Mr. Banks, therefore, sent five of the company, among whom was Mr. Buchan, forward to get a fire ready at the first convenient place they could find; and himself, with four others, remained with the Doctor and Richmond, whom partly by persuasion and entreaty, and partly by force, they brought on; but when they had got through the greatest part of the birch and swamp, they both declared they could go no farther.

    Mr. Banks had recourse again to entreaty and expostulation, but they produced no effect: when Richmond was told, that if he did not go on he would in a short time be frozen to death; he answered, That he desired nothing but to lie down and die: the Doctor did not so explicitly renounce his life; he said he was willing to go on, but that he must first take some sleep, though he had before told the company that to sleep was to perish. Mr. Banks and the rest found it impossible to carry them, and there being no remedy they were both suffered to sit down, being partly supported by the bushes, and in a few minutes they fell into a profound sleep: soon after, some of the people who had been sent forward returned, with the welcome news that a fire was kindled about a quarter of a mile farther on the way.

    Mr. Banks then endeavoured to wake Dr. Solander and happily succeeded: but, though he had not slept five minutes, he had almost loft the use of his limbs, and the muscles were so shrunk that his shoes fell from his feet; he consented to go forward with such assistance as could be given him, but no attempts to relieve poor Richmond were successful. It being found impossible to make him stir, after some time had been lost in the attempt, Mr. Banks left his other black servant and a seaman, who seemed to hare suffered least by the cold, to look after him; promising, that as soon as two others should be sufficiently warmed, they should be relieved. Mr. Banks, with much difficulty, at length got the Doctor to the fire; and soon after sent two of the people who had been refreshed, in hopes that, with the assistance of those who had been left behind, they would be able to bring Richmond, even though it should still be found impossible to wake him.

    In about half an hour, however, they had the mortification to see these two men return alone; they said, that they had been all round the place to which they had been directed, but could neither find Richmond nor those who had been left with him; and that though they had shouted many times, no voice had replied. This was matter of equal surprise and concern, particularly to Mr. Banks, who, while he was wondering how it could happen, missed a bottle of rum, the company’s whole stock, which they now concluded to be in the knapsack of one of the absentees. It was conjectured, that with this Richmond had been rouzed by the two persons who had been left with him, and that, having perhaps drank too freely of it themselves, they had all rambled from the place where they had been left, in search of the fire, instead of waiting for those who should have been their assistants and guides.

    Another fall of snow now came on, and continued incessantly for two hours, so that all hope of seeing them again, at least alive, were given up; but about twelve o’clock, to the great joy of those at the fire, a shouting was heard at some distance. Mr. Banks, with four more, immediately went out, and found the seaman with just strength enough left to stagger along, and call out for assistance: Mr. Banks sent him immediately to the fire, and, by his direction, proceeded in search of the other two, whom he soon after found. Richmond was upon his legs, but not able to put one before the other; his companion was lying upon the ground, as insensible as a stone.

    All hands were now called from the fire, and an attempt was made to carry them to it; but this, notwithstanding the united efforts of the whole company, was found to be impossible. The night was extremely dark, the snow was now very deep, and, under these additional disadvantages, they found it very difficult to make way through the bushes and the bog for themselves, all of them getting many falls in the attempt. The only alternative was to make a fire upon the spot; but the snow which had fallen, and was still falling, besides what was every moment shaken in slakes from the trees, rendered it equally impracticable, to kindle one there, and to bring any part of that which had been kindled in the wood thither: they were, therefore, reduced to the sad necessity of leaving the unhappy wretches to their fate; having first made them a bed of boughs from the trees, and spread a covering of the same kind over them to a considerable height.

    Having now been exposed to the cold and the snow near an hour and an half, some of the rest began to lose their sensibility; and one Briscoe, another of Mr. Banks’s servants, was so ill, that it was thought he must die before he could be got to the fire.

    At the fire, however, at length they arrived; and passed the night in a situation, which, however dreadful in itself, was rendered more afflicting by the remembrance of what was past, and the uncertainty of what was to come. Of twelve, the number that set out together in health and spirits, two were supposed to be already dead; a third was so ill, that it was very doubtful whether he would be able to go forward in the morning; and a fourth, Mr. Buchan, was in danger of a return of his fits, by fresh fatigue after so uncomfortable a night: they were distant from the ship a long day’s journey, through pathless woods, in which it was too probable they might be bewildered till they were overtaken by the next night; and, not having prepared for a journey of more than eight or ten hours, they were wholly destitute of provisions, except a vulture, which they happened to shoot while they were out, and which, if equally divided, would not afford each of them half a meal; and they knew not how much more they might suffer from the cold, as the snow still continued to fall. A dreadful testimony of the severity of the climate, as it was now the midst of summer in this part of the world, the twenty-first of December being here the longest day; and every thing might justly be dreaded from a phænomenon which, in the corresponding season, is unknown even in Norway and Lapland.

    When the morning dawned, they saw nothing round them, as far as the eye could reach, but snow, which seemed to lie as thick upon the trees as upon the ground; and the blasts returned so frequently, and with such violence, that they found it impossible for them to set out: how long this might last they knew not, and they had but too much reason to apprehend that it would confine them in that desolate forest till they perished with hunger and cold.

    After having suffered the misery and terror of this situation till six o’clock in the morning, they conceived some hope of deliverance by discovering the place of the sun through the clouds, which were become thinner, and began to break away. Their first care was to see whether the poor wretches whom they had been obliged to leave among the bushes were yet alive; three of the company were dispatched for that purpose, and very soon afterwards returned with the melancholy news, that they were dead.

    Notwithstanding the flattering appearance of the sky, the snow still continued to fall so thick that they could not venture out upon their journey to the ship; but about 8 o’clock a small regular breeze sprung up, which, with the prevailing influence of the sun, at length cleared the air; and they soon after, with great joy, saw the snow fall in large flakes from the trees, a certain sign of an approaching thaw: they now examined more critically the state of their invalids; Briscoe was still very ill, but said, that he thought himself able to walk; and Mr. Buchan was much better than either he or his friends had any reason to expect.

    They were now, however, pressed by the calls of hunger, to which, after long fasting, every consideration of future good or evil immediately gives way. Before they set forward, therefore, it was unanimously agreed, that they should eat their vulture; the bird was accordingly skinned, and, it being thought best to divide it before it was fit to be eaten, it was cut into ten portions, and every man cooked his own as he thought fit. After this repast, which furnished each of them with about three mouthfuls, they prepared to set out; but it was ten o’clock before the snow was sufficiently gone off to render a march practicable.

    After a walk of about three hours, they were very agreeably surprised to find themselves upon the beach, and much nearer to the ship than they had any reason to expect. Upon reviewing their track from the vessel, they perceived, that, instead of ascending the hill in a line, so as to penetrate into the country, they had made almost a circle round it. When they came on board, they congratulated each other upon their safety, with a joy that no man can feel who has not been exposed to equal danger; and as I had suffered great anxiety at their not returning in the evening of the day on which they set out, I was not wholly without my share.”

    Banks’s Journal, January 16, 1769:

    “This morn very early Dr Solander and myself with our servants and twoSeamen to assist in carrying baggage, accompanied by Msrs Monkhouseand Green, set out from the ship to try to penetrate into the countrey as faras we could, and if possible gain the tops of the hills where alone we sawplaces not overgrown with trees. We began to enter the woods at a smallsandy beach a little to the westward of the watering place and continuedpressing through pathless thickets, always going up hill, till 3 o’Clockbefore we gaind even a near view of the places we intended to go to. The weather had all this time been vastly fine much like a sunshiny day in May,so that neither heat nor cold was troublesome to us nor were there anyinsects to molest us, which made me think the traveling much better thanwhat I had before met with in Newfoundland.

    Soon after we saw the plains we arrivd at them, but found to our great disapointment that what we took for swathe was no better than low bushesof birch about reaching a mans middle; these were so stubborn that they could not be bent out of the way, but at every step the leg must be lifted over them and on being plac’d again on the ground was almost sure to sink above the anckles in bog. No traveling could possibly be worse than this which seemd to last about a mile, beyond which we expected to meet with bare rock, for such we had seen from the tops of lower hills as we came: this I particularly was infinitely eager to arrive at expecting there to find the alpine plants of a countrey so curious. Our people tho rather fatigued were yet in good spirits so we pushd on intending to rest ourselves as soon as we should arrive at plain ground.

    We proceeded two thirds of the way without the least difficulty and I confess I thought for my own part that all difficulties were surmounted when Mr Buchan fell into a fit. A fire was immediately lit for him and withhim all those who were most tird remaind behind, while Dr Solander MrGreen Mr Monkhouse and myself advancd for the alp which we reachd almost immediately, and found according to expectation plants which answerd to those we had found before as alpine ones in Europe do to those which we find in the plains.

    The air was here very cold and we had frequent snow blasts. I had now intirely given over all thoughts of reaching the ship that night and though[t]of nothing but getting into the thick of the wood and making a fire, which as our road lay all down hill seemd very easy to accomplish, so Msrs Greenand Monkhouse returnd to the people and appointed a hill for our general rendevous from whence we should proceed and build our wigwam. The cold now increased apace, it might be near 8 O’Clock tho yet exceedingly good daylight so we proceeded for the nearest valley, where the short Birch, the only thing we now dreaded, could not be ½ a mile over. Our people seemd well tho cold and Mr Buchan was stronger than we could have expected. I undertook to bring up the rear and se[e] that no one was left behind.

    We passd about half way very well when the cold seemd to have at once an effect infinitely beyond what I have ever experienced. DrSolander was the first who felt it, he said he could not go any fa[r]ther but must lay down, tho the ground was coverd with snow, and down he laid notwithstanding all I could say to the contrary. Richmond a black Servant now began also to lag and was much in the same way as the dr: at this Juncture I dispatchd 5 forwards of whom Mr Buchan was one to make ready a fire at the very first convenient place they could find, while myself with 4 more staid behind to persuade if possible the dr and Richmond to come on. With much persuasion and intreaty we got through much the largest part of the Birch when they both gave out; Richmond said that he could not go any further and when told that if he did not he must be Frozeto death only answerd that there he would lay and dye; the Dr on the contrary said that he must sleep a little before he could go on and actualy did full a quarter of an hour, at which time we had the welcome news of afire being lit about a quarter of a mile ahead. I then undertook to make the Dr Proceed to it; finding it impossible to make Richmond stir left two hands with him who seemd the least affected with Cold, promising to send two to releive them as soon as I should reach the fire.

    With much difficulty I got the Dr to it and as soon as two people were sufficiently warmd sent them out in hopes that they would bring Richmond and the rest; after staying about half an hour they returnd bringing word that they had been all round the place shouting and hallowing but could not get any answer. We now guess’d the cause of the mischeif, a bottle of rum the whole of ourstock was missing, and we soon concluded that it was in one of their Knapsacks and that the two who were left in health had drank immoderately of it and had slept like the other.

    For two hours now it had snowd almost incessantly so we had little hopes of seeing any of the three alive: about 12 however to our great Joy we heard a shouting, on which myself and 4 more went out immediately and found it to be the Seaman who had wakd almost starvd to death and come a little way from where he lay. Him I sent back to the fire and proceeded by his direction to find the other two, Richmond was upon his leggs but notable to walk the other lay on the ground as insensible as a stone. We immediately calld all hands from the fire and attempted by all the means we could contrive to bring them down but finding it absolutely impossible, the road was so bad and the night so dark that we could scarcely ourselves get on nor did we without many Falls. We would then have lit a fire upon the spot but the snow on the ground as well as that which continualy fellrenderd that as impracticable as the other, and to bring fire from the other place was also impossible from the quantity of snow which fell every moment from the branches of the trees; so we were forc’d to content ourselves with laying out our unfortunate companions upon a bed of boughs and covering them over with boughs also as thick as we were able, and thus we left them hopeless of ever seeing them again alive which indeed we never did.

    In these employments we had spent an hour and a half expos’d to the most penetrating cold I ever felt as well as continual snow. Peter Briscoe, another servant of mine, began now to complain and before we came to the fire became very ill but got there at last almost dead with cold.

    Now might our situation truely be calld terrible: of twelve our original number 2 were already past all hopes, one more was so ill that tho he was with us I had little hopes of his being able to walk in the morning, and another very likely to relapse into his fitts either before we set out or in the course of our journey: we were distant from the ship we did not know howfar, we knew only that we had been the greatest past of a day in walking it through pathless woods: provision we had none but one vulture which had been shot while we were out, and at the shortest allowance could not furnish half a meal: and to compleat our misfortunes we were caught in a snow storm in a climate we were utterly unaquainted with but which we had reason to beleive was as inhospitable as any in the world, not only from all the accounts we had heard or read but from the Quantity of snow which we saw falling, tho it was very little after midsummer: a circumstance unheard of in Europe for even in Norway or Lapland snow is never known to fall in the summer.”

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    Approximate Location: click to enlarge map or open in Google Maps.

  7. 26 January 1769

    Departure from Cape Horn

    Cook’s Journal (Wharton):

    “Thursday, 26th. Fresh Gales and thick Hazey weather, with small rain. At 2 p.m., the weather clearing up a little, saw Cape Horn bearing West-South-West, distance about 6 leagues, and from which I take my departure. Its Latitude and Longitude have before been taken notice of. Wind South-West by West to West-North-West; course South 15 degrees West; distance, 63 miles; latitude 56 degrees 57 minutes South; longitude 68 degrees 13 minutes West; at noon, Cape Horn North, 58 miles.”

    Cook’s Journal (Hawkesworth), January 26, 1769:

    “On the 26th of January, we took our departure from Cape Horn, which lies in latitude 55° 53′ S. longitude 68° 13′ W. The farthest southern latitude that we made was 60° 10′, our longitude was then 74° 30′ W.; and we found the variation of the compass, by the mean of eighteen azimuths, to be 27° 9′ E. As the weather was frequently calm, Mr. Banks went out in a small boat to shoot birds, among which were some albatrosses and sheerwaters. The albatrosses were observed to be larger than those which had been taken northward of the Streight; one of them measured ten feet two inches from the tip of one wing to that of the other, when they were extended: the sheerwater, on the contrary, is less, and darker coloured on the back. The albatrosses we skinned, and having soaked them in salt water till the morning, we parboiled them, then throwing away the liquor, stewed them in a very little fresh, water till they were tender, and had them served up with savoury sauce; thus dressed, the dish was universally commended, and we eat of it very heartily even when there was fresh pork upon the table.

    Banks’s Journal, January 27, 1769:

    “Wind came to the northward and we got some little westing, possibly today we were to the westward of the cape, at least a great swell from the NWt makes it certain that we were to the Southward of it. Many large albatrosses d. exulans were about the ship whose backs were very white; at noon a shag Pelecanus antarcticus came on board the ship and was taken. Soon after dinner saw an Island to the northward possibly Diego Ramires.”

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    Approximate Location: click to enlarge map or open in Google Maps.

     

  8. 13 February 1769

    Observations on the Passage Round Cape Horn

    Cook’s Journal (Wharton):

    “From the Foregoing observations it will appear that we are now advanced about 12 degrees to the westward of the Strait of Magellan, and 3 1/2 degrees to the Northward of it, having been 33* (* N.B. 23 days only from Success Bay.) days in Doubling Cape Horn or the Land of Terra del Fuego, and Arriving into the Degree of Latitude and Longitude we are now in, and without being brought once under our close Reef’d Topsails since we left Strait Le Maire, a Circumstance that perhaps never hapned before to any ship in those Seas so much dreaded for Hard gales of Wind; in so much that the doubling of Cape Horn is thought by some to be a mighty thing, and others to this day prefer the Straits of Magellan. As I have never been in those Straits I can only form my Judgement on a Carefull Comparison of the Different Ships’ Journals that have passed them, and those that have sail’d round Cape Horn, particularly the Dolphin’s two last Voyages and this of ours, being made at the same season of the Year, when one may reasonable expect the same Winds to prevail.

    The Dolphin in her last Voyage was three Months in getting through the Straits, not reckoning the time she lay in Port Famine; and I am firmly perswaided from the Winds we have had, that had we come by that Passage we should not have been in these Seas, besides the fatiguing of our People, the damage we must have done to our Anchors, Cables, Sails, and Rigging, none of which have suffer’d in our passage round Cape Horn.

    From what I have said it will appear that I am no advocate for the Straits of Magellan, but it should be expected that I should say something of Strait le Mair, through which we passed, and this is the more incumbant on me as it was by choice and contrary to the Advice given by Mr. Walter, the ingenious Author of Lord Anson’s Voyage, who advised all Ships not to go through this Strait but to go to the Eastward of Staten Land, and likewise to stand to the Southward as far as 61 or 62 degrees south before any Endeavour is made to get to the Westward.

    With respect to the Passing of Strait le Mair or going round Staten Land, I look upon of little Consequence, and either one or the other to be pursued according to Circumstances; for if you happen to fall in with the land to the Westward of the Strait, and the winds favourable for going through, it certainly must be a piece of folly to lose time in going round Staten Land, for by paying a little Attention to the Directions I have already given no ill Consequences can attend; but on the Contrary if you should fall in with the land to the eastward of the Straits or the wind should prove Boisterous, or unfavourable, in any of these Cases the going to the eastward of Staten Land is the most Advisable.

    And next, as to running into the Latitude of 61 or 62 degrees South before any Endeavour is made to get to the Westward, is what I think no man will ever do that can avoid it, for it cannot be supposed that anyone will steer south mearly to get into a high Latitude, when at the same time he can steer west, for it is not Southing but Westing that is wanting. But this way you cannot Steer because the Wind blows almost Constantly from that Quarter, so that you have no other Choice but to stand to the Southward, close upon a Wind, and by keeping upon that Tack you not only make Southing but Westing also, and sometimes not a little when the wind Varies to the Northward of West; and the farther you advance to the Southward the better Chance you have of having the Winds from that Quarter or Easterly, and likewise of meeting with finer weather, both of which we ourselves Experienced.

    Prudence will direct every man when in those high Latitudes to make sure of sufficient Westing to double all the lands before he thinks of standing to the Northward. When the winds was Westerly the Mountains on Terra Del Fuego were generally covered with dense Clouds, formed, as one may reasonably suppose, by Westerly Exhalations and by Vapours brought thither by the Westerly winds. From that Quarter come frequent Showers of rain, hail, and Snow; and after we had left the land and were standing to the Southward, with the winds westerly, dark dence clouds were Continually forming in the Horizon, and rose to about 45 degrees, where they began to dissipate. These were generally attended with Showers of Rain, or hail, and Squals of Wind, but as we advanced to the Southward, these Clouds became less dence, and in the Latitude of 60 degrees 10 minutes, when we got the winds Easterly, the weather was more serene and Milder; again as we advanced to the Northward we had a constant Clouded sky and dark gloomy weather, the whole time exceeding Cold.”

    Cook’s Journal (Hawkesworth), February 13, 1769:

    “From a variety of observations which were made with great care, it appeared probable in the highest degree, that, from the time of our leaving the land to the 13th of February, when we were in latitude 49° 32′, and longitude 90° 37′, we had no current to the west.

    At this time we had advanced about 12° to the westward, and 3 and ½ to the northward of the Streight of Magellan: having been just three and thirty days in coming round the land of Terra del Fuego, or Cape Horn, from the east entrance of the Streight to this situation. And though the doubling of Cape Horn is so much dreaded, that, in the general opinion, it is more eligible to pass through the Streight of Magellan, we were not once brought under our close reef’d topsails after we left the Streight of Le Maire.

    The Dolphin in her last voyage, which she performed at the same season of the year with ours, was three months in getting through the Streight of Magellan, exclusive of the time that she lay in Port Famine; and I am persuaded, from the winds we had, that if we had come by that passage, we should not at this time have been in these seas; that our people would have been fatigued, and our anchors, cables, sails and rig ging much damaged; neither of which inconveniencies we had now suffered. But supposing it more eligible to go round the Cape, than through the Streight of Magellan; it may still be questioned, whether it is better to go through the Streight of Le Maire, or stand to the eastward, and go round Staten Land.

    The advice given in the Account of Lord Anson’s voyage is, “That all ships bound to the South Seas, instead of passing through the Streight of Le Maire, should constantly pass to the eastward of Staten Land, and should be invariably bent on running to the southward as far as the latitude of 61 or 62 degrees, before they endeavour to stand to the westward.” But, in my opinion, different circumstances may at one time render it eligible to pass through the Streight, and to keep to the eastward of Staten Land at another. If the land is fallen in with to the westward of the Streight, and the wind is favourable for going through, I think it would be very injudicious to lose time by going round Staten Land, as I am confident that, by attending to the directions which I have given, the Streight may be passed with the utmost safety and convenience: but if, on the contrary, the land is fallen in with to the eastward of the Streight, and the wind should prove tempestuous or unfavourable, I think it would be best to go round Staten Land.

    But I cannot in any case concur in recommending the running into the latitude of 61 or 62, before any endeavour is made to stand to the westward. We found neither the current nor the storms which the running so far to the southward is supposed necessary to avoid; and indeed, as the winds almost constantly blow from that quarter, it is scarcely possible to pursue the advice. The navigator has no choice but to stand to the southward, close upon a wind, and by keeping upon that tack, he will not only make southing, but westing; and, if the wind varies towards the north of the west, his westing will be considerable. It will, indeed, be highly proper to make sure of a westing sufficient to double all the lands, before an attempt is made to stand to the northward, and to this every man’s own prudence will of necessity direct him.

    We now began to have strong gales and heavy seas, with irregular intervals of calm and fine weather.

    Banks’s Journal, February 12, 1769:

    “Foul wind, but prodigious fine weather and smooth water makes amends to us at least.”

    Approximate Location: click to enlarge map or open in Google Maps.

     

  9. 11 April 1769

    Arrival at Otaheite (Tahiti)

    Cook’s Journal (Wharton):

    “Tuesday, 11th. First part, little wind and cloudy; the remainder, little wind and very Variable; unsettled weather, with some rain. P.M. took several Observations of the sun and moon, which gave the Longitude of the ship to be 148 degrees 18 minutes West, and differs but little from that given by the Log. At 6 a.m. saw King George’s Island* (* So named by Captain Wallis. The native name was ascertained by Cook, who spelt it Otaheite. Now known as Tahiti. It is the chief island of the Society Group, and was annexed by the French in 1844.) Extending from West by South 1/2 South to West by North 1/2 North. It appeared very high and Mountainous. Wind variable; course North 66 degrees West; distance 54 miles; latitude 17 degrees 38 minutes South, longitude 148 degrees 39 minutes West; Osnaburg Island East 1/2 South, 13 leagues.”

    Cook’s Journal (Hawkesworth), Apirl 11, 1769:

    “About one o’clock, on Monday the 10th of April, some of the people who were looking out for the island to which we were bound, said they saw land ahead, in that part of the horizon where it was expected to appear; but it was so faint that, whether there was land in sight or not, remained a matter of dispute till sunset. The next morning, however, at six o’clock, we were convinced that those who said they had discovered land, were not mistaken it appeared to be very high and mountainous, extending from W. by S. ½ S. to W. by N. ½ N. and we knew it to be the same that Captain Wallis had called King George the III.’s Island.”

    Excerpt from Banks’s Journal, April 11, 1769:

    “Little wind and variable with Squalls from all points of the Compass bringing heavy rain. Georges Island in sight appearing very high in the same direction as the land was seen last night, so I found the fault was in our eyes yesterday tho the non-seers were much more numerous in the ship than the seers.

    Calm this even, at sunset Georges Land appeard plain tho we had not neard it much: since the clouds went from the tops of the hills it appeard less high than it did tho it certainly is very high.”

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    Approximate Location: click to enlarge map or open in Google Maps.

     

  10. 13 April 1769

    A Healthy Crew: Of Sour kroutt, Portable Soup, and Malt

    This entry is a reference to the positive effects of Cook’s dietary measures, particularly the prevention of scurvy through the regular consumption of sauerkraut, portable soup, and malt.

    Cook’s Journal (Wharton):

    Thursday, 13th. The first part Cloudy and Squally, with Showers of rain; remainder, genteel breezes and clear weather. At 4 p.m. the North-East point of Royal Bay West 1/2 North; run under an easy sail all night, and had soundings from 22 to 12 fathoms 2 or 3 Miles from the Shore.

    At 5 a.m. made sail for the bay, and at 7 anchored in 13 fathoms.* (* Matavai Bay.) At this time we had but very few men upon the sick list, and these had but slite complaints. The Ship’s company had in general been very healthy, owing in a great measure to the Sour kroutt, Portable Soup and Malt; the two first were served to the People, the one on Beef Days and the other on Banyan Days.

    Wort was made of the Malt, and at the discretion of the Surgeon given to every man that had the least symptoms of Scurvy upon him. By this means, and the Care and Vigilance of Mr. Monkhouse, the Surgeon, this disease was prevented from getting a footing in the Ship.

    The Sour Kroutt, the Men at first would not eat it, until I put it in practice–a method I never once Knew to fail with seamen–and this was to have some of it dressed every day for the Cabin Table, and permitted all the Officers, without exception, to make use of it, and left it to the Option of the men either to take as much as they pleased or none at all; but this practice was not continued above a Week before I found it necessary to put every one on board to an allowance; for such are the Tempers and disposition of Seamen in general that whatever you give them out of the common way–altho’ it be ever so much for their good–it will not go down, and you will hear nothing but murmurings against the Man that first invented it; but the moment they see their superiors set a value upon it, it becomes the finest stuff in the world and the inventor an honest fellow.

    Wind easterly.

    Approximate Location: click to enlarge map or open in Google Maps.

     

  11. 3 June 1769

    The Transit of Venus, Execution of the Royal Society’s Astronomical Mission

    Cook’s Journal (Wharton):

    “Saturday, 3rd. This day proved as favorable to our purpose as we could wish. Not a Cloud was to be seen the whole day, and the Air was perfectly Clear, so that we had every advantage we could desire in observing the whole of the Passage of the planet Venus over the Sun’s Disk. We very distinctly saw an Atmosphere or Dusky shade round the body of the planet, which very much disturbed the times of the Contact, particularly the two internal ones. Dr. Solander observed as well as Mr. Green and myself, and we differed from one another in Observing the times of the Contact much more than could be expected. Mr. Green’s Telescope and mine where of the same Magnifying power, but that of the Doctor was greater than ours. It was nearly calm the whole day, and the Thermometer Exposed to the Sun about the Middle of the day rose to a degree of heat we have not before met with.”

    Cook’s Journal (Hawkesworth), June 3, 1769 :

    “The observation was made with equal success by the persons whom I had sent to the eastward, and at the fort, there not being a cloud in the sky from the rising to the setting of the sun, the whole passage of the planet Venus over the sun’s disk was observed with great advantage by Mr. Green, Dr. Solander, and myself: Mr. Green’s telescope and mine were of the same magnifying power, but that of Dr. Solander was greater. We all saw an atmotsphere or dusky cloud round the body of the planet, which very much disturbed the times of contact, especially of the internal ones; and we differed from each other in our accounts of the times of the contacts much more than might have been expected. According to Mr. Green,

      Hours     Min. Sec.  
    The first external contact, or first appearance of Venus on the Sun, was   9     25 42 Morning
    The first internal contact, or total immersion, was 9 44 4  
    The second internal contact, or beginning of the emersion, 3 14 8 Afternoon.
    The second external contact, or total emersion 3 32 10  

    The latitude of the observatory was found to be 17° 29′ 15″; and the longitude 149° 32′ 30″ W. of Greenwich. A more particular account will appear by the tables, for which the reader is referred to the Transactions of the Royal Society, vol. lxi. part 2. page 397 & seq. where they are illustrated by a cut.

    But if we had reason to congratulate ourselves upon the success of our observation, we had scarce less cause to regret the diligence with which that time had been improved by some of our people to another purpose. While the attention of the officers was engrossed by the Transit of Venus, some of the ship’s company broke into one of the store-rooms, and stole a quantity of spike nails, amounting to no less than one hundred weight: this was a matter of public and serious concern; for these nails, if circulated by the people among the Indians, would do us irreparable injury, by reducing the value of iron, our staple commodity. One of the thieves was detected, but only seven nails were found in his custody. He was punished with two dozen lashes, but would impeach none of his accomplices.”

    Banks’s Journal, June 3, 1769:

    “Various were the Changes observd in the weather during the course of last night, some one or other of us was up every half hour who constantly informd the rest that it was either clear or Hazey, at day break we rose and soon after had the satisfaction of seeing the sun rise as clear and bright as we could wish him. I then wishd success to the observers Msrs Gore and Monkhouse and repaird to the Island, where I could do the double service of examining the natural produce and buying provisions for my companions who were engagd in so usefull a work.

    About eight a large quantity of provisions were procurd when I saw two boats coming towards the place where I traded; these I was told belongd to Tarróa the King of the Island who was coming to pay me a visit. As soon as the boats came near the shore the people formd a lane; he landed bringing with him his sister Nuna and both came towards the tree under which I stood. I went out and met them and brought them very formaly into a circle I had made, into which I had before sufferd none of the natives to come. Standing is not the fashion among these people, I must provide them a seat,, which I did by unwrapping a turban of Indian cloth which I wore instead of a hat and spreading it upon the ground; upon which we all sat down and the kings present was brought Consisting of a hog, a dog and a quantity of Bread fruit Cocoa nuts etc.

    I immediately sent a canoe to the Observatory to fetch my present, an adze a shirt and some beads with which his majesty seemd well satisfied. Tubourai and Tamio who came with us now came from the observatory; she said that she was related to Tarroa and brought him a present, a long nail and a shirt, which she gave to Nuna.

    After the first Internal contact was over I went to my Companions at the observatory carrying with me Tarroa, Nuna and some of their cheif atendants; to them we shewd the planet upon the sun and made them understand that we came on purpose to see it. After this they went back and myself with them.

    I spent the rest of the day in examining the produce etc. of the Island and found it very nearly similar to that of Otahite, the people exactly the same, indeed we saw many of the Identical same people as we had often seen at Otahite, and every one knew well every kind of trade we had and the value it bore in that Island. The hills in general came nearer to the water and flats were consequently less, and less Fertile, than at Otahite–the low point near which we lay was composd intirely of sand and coral. Here neither Breadfruit nor any usefull vegetables would grow; it was coverd over with Pandanus tectorius and with these grew several plants we had not seen at Otahite, among them Iberis [] , which Mr Gore tells me is the plant calld by the voyagers scurvy grass which grows plentifully upon all the low Islands.

    At sunset I came off having purchasd another hog from the King. Soon after my arrival at the tent 3 hansome girls came off in a canoe to see us, they had been at the tent in the morning with Tarroa, they chatted with us very freely and with very little perswasion agreed to send away their carriage and sleep in [the] tent, a proof of confidence which I have not before met with upon so short an acquaintance.”

    Approximate Location: click to enlarge map or open in Google Maps.

     

  12. 13 July 1769

    Departure from Tahiti after the Transit Observations

    Cook’s Journal (Wharton):

    “Thursday, 13th. Winds Easterly, a light breeze. This morning we was visited by Obariea and several others of our acquaintance, a thing we did not expect after what had hapned but 2 days ago; but this was in some measures owing to Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, and myself going to Apparralast night, where we so far convinc’d them of our Friendly disposition that several of them were in tears at our coming away.

    Between 11 and 12o’Clock we got under Sail, and took our final leave of these People, after a stay of just three Months, the most part of which time we have been upon good terms with them. Some few differences have now and then hapned owing partly to the want of rightly understanding each other, and partly to their natural thievish disposition, which we could not at all times bear with or guard against; but these have been attended with no ill consequence to either side except the first, in which one of them waskill’d, and this I was very sorry for, because from what had hapned to them by the Dolphin I thought it would have been no hard matter to have got and keep a footing with them without bloodshed.

    For some time before we left this Island several of the Natives were daily offering themselves to go away with us; and as it was thought they must be of use to us in our future discoveries we resolved to bring away one whose name is Tupia, a Chief and a Priest. This man had been with us most part of the time we had been upon the Island, which gave us an opportunity to know something of him. We found him to be a very intelligent person, and to know more of the Geography of the Islands situated in these Seas, their produce, and the religion, laws, and Customs of the inhabitants, than any one we hadmet with, and was the likeliest person to answer our Purpose. For thesereasons, and at the request of Mr. Banks, I received him on board,together with a young Boy, his Servant.

    For the first two Months we were at this Island the Natives supplied us with as much Bread fruit, Cocoa Nuts, etc., as we could well dispence with, and now and then a few Hogs, but of these hardly sufficient to give the Ship’s company one and sometimes two fresh Meals a week.

    As to Fowls, I did not see above 3dozen upon the whole Island, and fish they seldom would part with; but during the last Month we got little refreshment of any sort. The detaining of their Canoes broke off Trade at that time, and it never after was begun again with any Spirit. However, it was not wholy owing to this, but to a Scarcity. The Season for Bread fruit was wholy over, and what other Fruits they had were hardly sufficient for themselves; at least, they did not care to part with them. All sorts of Fruits we purchased with Beads and Nails, not less than 40-penny, for a nail under that size was of no value; but we could not get a Hog above 10 or 12pounds weight for anything less than a Hatchet, not but that they set great value upon Spike Nails; but, as this was an Article many in the Ship are provided with, the Women soon found a much easier way at coming at them than by bringing Provisions.

    Our Traffick with this people was carried on with as much Order as in the best regulated Market in Europe. It was managed ashore chiefly by Mr. Banks, who took uncommon Pains to procure from the Natives every kind of refreshment that was to be got. Axes, Hatchets, Spikes, large Nails, looking Glasses, Knives, and Beadsare all highly valued by this People, and nothing more is wanting to Traffick with them for everything they have to dispose of. They are likewise very fond of fine Linnen Cloth, both White and Printed, but an Axe worth half a Crown will fetch more than a Piece of Cloth worth Twenty Shillings.

    Upon our arrival at Batavia we had certain information that the two ships that were at George’s Island some time before our arrival there were both French ships.*”

    (* In Admiralty copy.)

    Cook’s Journal (Hawkesworth), July 13, 1769 :

    “On the next morning, Thursday the 13th of July, the ship was very early crouded with our friends, and surrounded by a multitude of canoes, which were filled with the natives of an inferior class. Between eleven and twelve we weighed anchor, and as soon as the ship was under sail, the Indians on board took their leaves, and wept, with a decent and silent sorrow, in which there was something very striking and tender: the people in the canoes, on the contrary, seemed to vie with each other in the loudness of their lamentations, which we considered rather as affectation than grief. Tupia sustained himself in this scene with a firmness and resolution truly admirable: he wept indeed, but the effort that he made to conceal his tears, concurred, with them, to do him honour. He sent his last present, a shirt, by Otheothea, to Potomai, Tootahah’s favourite mistress, and then went with Mr. Banks to the mast-head, waving to the canoes as long as they continued in sight.

    Thus we took leave of Otaheite, and its inhabitants, after a stay of just three months; for much the greater part of the time we lived together in the most cordial friendship, and a perpetual reciprocation of good offices. The accidental differences which now and then happened, could not be more sincerely regretted on their part than they were on ours: the principal causes were such as necessarily resulted from our situation and circumstances, in conjunction with the infirmities of human nature, from our not being able perfectly to understand each other, and from the disposition of the inhabitants to theft, which we could not at all times bear with or prevent.

    They had not, however, except in one instance, been attended with any fatal consequence; and to that accident were owing the measures that I took to prevent others of the same kind. I hoped, indeed, to have availed myself of the impression which had been made upon them by the lives that had been sacrificed in their contest with the Dolphin, so as that the intercourse between us should have been carried on wholly without bloodshed; and by this hope all my measures were directed during the whole of my continuance at the island, and I sincerely wish, that whoever shall next visit it, may be still more fortunate.

    Our traffick here was carried on with as much order as in the best regulated market in Europe. It was managed principally by Mr. Banks, who was indefatigable in procuring provision and refreshments while they were to be had; but during the latter part of our time they became scarce, partly by the increased consumption at the fort and ship, and partly by the coming on of the season in which cocoa-nuts and bread-fruit fail. All kind of fruit we purchased for beads and nails, but no nails less than fortypenny were current: after a very short time we could never get a pig of more than ten or twelve pounds, for less than a hatchet; because, though these people set a high value upon spike nails, yet these being an article with which many people in the ship were provided, the women found a much more easy way of procuring them than by bringing down provisions.

    The best articles for traffick here are axes, hatchets, spikes, large nails, looking-glasses, knives, and beads, for some of which, every thing that the natives have may be procured. They are indeed fond of fine linen cloth, both white and printed; but an ax worth half a crown, will fetch more than a piece of cloth worth twenty shillings.”

    Banks’s Journal, July 13, 1769:

    “About 10 this morn saild From Otahite leaving our freinds Some of the mat least I realy beleive personaly sorry for our departure, not wisth standing the confinement of the day before yesterday had frigh[t] ned and affronted them as much as possible, yet our nearest freinds came on board at this Critical time except only Tubourai and Tamio. We had Oborea, Otheothea, Tayoa, Nuna, Tuanna Matte, Potattou, Polotheara etc. on board when the anchor was weighd; they took their leaves tenderly enough, not without plenty of tears tho intirely without that clamourous weeping made use of by the other Indians, several boats of whoom were about the ship shouting out their lamentations, as vyeing with each other not who should cry most but who should cry loudest–a custom we had often condemned in conversation with our particular freinds as savouring more of affected than real greif.

    Tupia who after all his struggles stood firm at last in his resolution of a companying us parted with a few heartfelt tears, so I judge them to have been by the Efforts I saw him make use of to hide them. He sent by Otheothea his last present, a shirt to Potamai, Dootahah’s  favourite mistress. He and I went then to the topmast head where we stood a longtime waving to the Canoes as they went off, after which he came down and shewd no farther signs of seriousness or concern.

    In the Evening Tethuroa in sight; before night it appears clearly to be avery low Island and but small, which with Tupias declaring that there were no fixd inhabitants upon it only the people of Otahite who went there for a few days to fish, determind us to content ourselves with what we had seen and stand on in search of Urietea, which he describd to be a well peopled Island as large as Otahite.”

     

    Approximate Location: click to enlarge map or open in Google Maps.

     

  13. 14 August 1769

    Speculation of a Southern Continent

    Cook’s Journal (Wharton):

    “Monday, 14th. Fresh breezes and fair weather. At 2 p.m. saw land bearing South-East, which Tupia calls the Island of Ohetiroa.* (* Rurutu, one of the Tubuai or Austral Group. They are now under French protectorate.) At 6 was within 2 or 3 Leagues of it, the Extreams bearing from South by East to South-East; shortned sail and stood off and on all night.

    At 6 a.m. made Sail and stood in for the Land and run to Leeward of the Island, keeping close in shore all the time, saw several of the Natives as we run along shore, but in no great numbers. At 9 hoisted out the Pinnace and sent Lieutenant Gore, Mr. Banks, and Tupia to Endeavour to land upon the Island, and to speak with the Natives, and to try if they could learn from them what lands lay to the Southward of us, and likewise to see if there was Anchorage in a Bay which appear’d to our View, not that I intended to Anchor or make any stay here.

    Wind North-North-East; latitude 22 degrees 26 minutes South, longitude 150 degrees 55 minutes West; at noon, Ohetiroa East 2 leagues.

    Cook’s Journal (Hawkesworth), August 14, 1769 :

    “Tupia told us, that there were several islands lying at different distances and in different directions from this, between the south and the north west; and that at the distance of three days sail to the north east, there was an island called MANUA, bird-island: he seemed, however, most desirous that we should sail to the westward, and described several islands in that direction which he said he had visited: he told us that he had been ten or twelve days in going thither, and thirty in coming back, and that the Pahie in which he had made the voyage, sailed much faster than the ship: reckoning his Pahie therefore to go at the rate of forty leagues a day, which from my own observation I have great reason to think these boats will do, it would make four hundred leagues in ten days, which I compute to be the distance of Boscawen and Keppel’s Islands, discovered by Captain Wallis, westward of Ulietea, and therefore think it very probable that they were the islands he had visited. The farthest island that he knew any thing of to the southward, he said, lay at the distance of about two days sail from Oteroah, and was called Moutou; but he said that his father had told him there were islands to the southward of that: upon the whole, I was determined to stand southward in search of a continent, but to spend no time in searching for islands, if we did not happen to fall in with them during our course.

    Banks’s Journal, August 14, 1769:

    “Close under the land: a boat was sent from the ship in which Dr Solander and myself took a passage, she rowd right in for the land on which several natives appeard armd with long lances. The boat standing along shore not intending to land till she got round the next point made them (I beleive) think that we were afraid of them. The main body about 60 sat down upon the shore and sent two of their number forwards, who after walking sometime abreast of us leap’d into the water intending to swim to us but were soon left behind; two more then atempted the same thing and were in like manner left behind; a single man then ran forwards and taking good start of the boat fetchd her easily, but when he was alongside I could not persuade the officer of the boat to take him, notwisthstanding it was so fair an opportunity of making freinds with a people who certainly lookd upon us as their enemies. He was therefore left behind as was another who followd his example.

    We now came round a point where all our followers left us. We had opend a large bay at the bottom of which we saw another body of men armd like the former; here we hopd to land and pushd towards the place. The natives had pushd off a canoe which came out to meet us. As soon as it aproachd us we lay upon our oars and calld to them that we were freinds and would give them nails if they would come to us; they after a very little hesitation came up to the boats stern and took the nails that were given them, seemingly with great satisfaction, but in less than a minute seemd to have formd a design of boarding our boat and taking her, in pursuance of which 3 leapd almost in an instant into our boat and the others brought up the canoe which had flown off a little intending probably to follow their countrey mens example. The first who came in the boat was close to me, he instantly snatchd my powder horn out of my pocket which I immediately laid hold of and wrenchd out of his hand, not without some dificulty; I then laid my hand on his breast and attempted to shove him overboard but he was two strong for me and kept his place. The officer orderd a musquet to be fir’d over their heads his own having mis’d fire, two were immediately fird and they all instantly leapd into the water; one of our people however inconsiderately leveld a 3d at one of them who was swimming and the ball gras’d his forehead but I beleive did him no material harm, as he recoverd his boat and stood up in her as active as ever. The canoe now stood for the shore where were a large number of people collected I beleive 200; our boat also pulld in but found the land guarded all round with a shoal upon which the sea broke much, so was obligd to go along shore in hopes of finding a more convenient landing place. We saw the canoe go ashore where the people were assembled who came down to her seemingly very eager to enquire into our behavior to them; soon after a single man came along shore armd with a long lance, he came abreast of the boat and then began to dance and shake his weapon calling out in a very shrill voice, which we understood from Tupia was a defiance sent from the people. We rowd along shore and he attended us sometime, we found it however impracticable to land and as for the gen lemans tricks we gave ourselves very little concern about them: we therefore resolvd to return to the bay and try if it would be practicable to land where the Canoe did, hoping that if we should not the people would at least come and make peace either on the shoal or in their Canoes of which we saw only two in the Island, which was one more than Tupia allowd them who said they had but one.

    As we rowd gently along shore our defying champion was joind by another likewise armd with a lance and dressd with a large cap of the tail feathers of tropick birds and his body coverd, as indeed many of them were, with stripes of different coulourd cloths, yellow red and brown; he (who we now calld Harlequin) danc’d as the other had done only with much more nimbleness and dexterity. These two were soon after Joind by an older looking man likewise armd who came gravely down to the beach and hailing us askd from whence we came, Tupia answerd him from Otahite. The three then went peaceably along shore till the boat came to a shoal upon which a few people were collected; they talkd together and soon after began to p-orah or pray very loud to which Tupia made his responses but continued to tell us that they were not our freinds. We after this enterd into a parley with them, telling them that if they would lay by their arms which were lances and clubbs we would come ashore and truck with them for whatever they would bring; they agreed but upon condition that we should lay down our musquets, an article which we did not think fit to comply with, so our negotiation dropt for the present at least. After a little time however they took courage and came nearer to the boat, near enough to begin to trade which they did very fairly for a smal quantity of cloth and some of their weapons, but as they gave us no hopes of provisions or indeed any thing else unless we would venture through a narrow channel to the shore we put off the boat and left them.

    In this expedition we labourd under many disadvantages: we left the ship in a hurry taking with us no kind of arms but our musquets, which without bayonets would have made but a poor resistance against these peoples weapons all meant to fight hand to hand; but what was worst of all was the dificulty of landing which we could not do without wetting ourselves and arms unless we had venturd through the passage I have spoke of, which was so small that tho the weather was perfectly fine the sea often broke right across it, so that had we gone in and the least surf rose we could never have got out again but must have remaind the night in shoal water, liab[l]e to any stratagems that our enemies might devise, ill furnishd as we were to oppose their boarding us by swimming to which we were always liable.

    The Island to all apearance that we saw was more barren than any thing we have seen in these seas, the cheif produce seeming to be Et-a (the wood of which make their weapons); indeed every where along shore where we saw plantations they were coverd by trees of this kind planted between them and the sea. It is without a reef and the ground in the bay we were in so foul and corally that tho a ship might come almost close to the shore she could not possibly anchor. The water was clearer than I ever saw it, I saw distinctly the ground at 25 fathoms depth.

    The people seemd strong lusty and well made but were rather browner than those we have left behind; they were not tattowd on their backsides, but instead of that had black marks about as broad as my hand under their armpits the sides of which were deeply indented, they had also circles of smaller ones round their arms and legs. Their dress was indeed most singular as well as the cloth with which they were dressd which I shall first describe. It was made of the same materials as the inhabitants of the other Islands make use of and generaly died of a very bright and deep yellow. Upon this was on some sorts spread a composition which coverd it like oil colour or varnish, it was either red or of a dark lead colour; upon this again was painted stripes in many different patterns with infinite regularity much in the same way as some lute string silks in England are wove, all the streight lines upon them drawn with such accuracy that we were almost in doubt whether or not they were stampd on with some kind of press. The red cloth was painted in this manner with black, the lead coulord with white. Of this cloth, generaly the lead coulourd, they had on a short jacket that reachd about their Knees made of one peice with a hole through which they put their heads, the sides of which hole was contrary to any thing I have seen before stichd with long stitches. This was confind to their bodies by a peice of Yellow cloth which pass’d behind their necks and came across their breasts in two broad stripes crossing each other, it was then collected round their waists in the form of a belt, under which was another of the red cloth so that the whole made a very gay and warlike apearance. Some had on their heads caps as before describd made of the tails of tropick birds, but they did not become them so well as a peice of white or lead colourd cloth which the most of them had wound on like a small turban.

    Their arms consisted of long lances made of the etoa or hard wood well polishd and sharpnd at one end; of these there were some near 20 feet long and scarce so thick as three fingers; they had also clubs or pikes of the same wood about 7 feet long, well polishd and sharpned at one end into a broad point. How expert they may be in the use of these weapons we cannot tell but the weapons themselves seem more intended for shew than use, as the lance was not pointed with the stings of Sting rays, and the clubs or pikes which must do more execution by their weight than their sharpness were not more than half so heavy as the smallest I have seen in the other Islands. Defensive weapons I saw none, they however guarded themselves against such weapons as their own by matts folded and laid upon their breasts and bellys under their other cloths.

    Of the few things we saw among these people every one was ornamented infinitely superior to any thing we had before seen: their cloth was better coulourd as well as nicely painted, their clubs were better cut out and polishd, the Canoe which we saw tho a very small and very narrow one was nevertheless carvd and ornamented very highly. One thing particularly in her seemd to be calculated rather for the ornaments of a thing that was never intended to go into the water than a boat, which was two lines of small white feathers that were placd on the outside of the canoe which were when we saw them totaly wet with the water.

    After leaving these unhospitable people we Stood to the Southward as usual and had in the evening a great dew which wetted every thing.See Manners and Customs of S Sea Islands, below”

    Approximate Location: click to enlarge map or open in Google Maps.

     

  14. 2 September 1769

    The Tempestuous South

    Cook’s Journal (Wharton):

    “Saturday, 2nd. Very strong Gales, with heavy squalls of Wind, hail, and rain. At 4 p.m., being in the Latitude of 40 degrees 22 minutes South, and having not the least Visible signs of land, we wore, and brought too under the Foresail, and reef’d the Mainsail, and handed it.

    I did intend to have stood to the Southward if the winds had been Moderate, so long as they continued Westerly, notwithstanding we had no prospect of meeting with land, Rather than stand back to the Northward, on the same Track as we came, but as the weather was so very Tempestious I laid aside this design, and thought it more adviseable to stand to the Northward into better weather, least we should receive such Damage in our Sails and Rigging as might hinder the further Prosecutions of the Voyage.* (* This long excursion to the south is a fine instance of Cook’s thoroughness and determination in exploration. The belief in a southern continent was strong amongst most geographers; but it rested on nothing more than the false idea that dry lands in the two hemispheres should balance one another. Cook himself did not share the general belief; and few others in his position would have struggled for 1500 miles out of his direct course into bad weather, simply to disprove an idea, when so much unexplored ocean lay before him to the westward, with a fair wind and fine weather.)*
    Some Albetrosses, Pintado birds, and Doves about the Ship, and a Bird larger than a Duck, his plumage of a Dark Brown, with a Yellow beak. We saw of these Birds in our Passage to the Northward, after doubling Cape Horn.

    At Noon the weather was more moderate; set the Reefd Mainsail. A great Sea from the West-South-West. Wind West; Course North 54 degrees 30 minutes East; distance 46 miles; latitude 39 degrees 45 minutes South, longitude 145 degrees 39 minutes West.”

    Cook’s Journal (Hawkesworth), September 2, 1769 :

    “On the next day, there being strong gales to the westward, I brought to, with the ship’s head to the northward;

    Approximate Location: click to enlarge map or open in Google Maps.

     

     

  15. 7 October 1769

    First sight of New Zealand

    Cook’s Journal (Wharton):

    “Saturday, 7th. Gentle breezes and settled weather. At 2 p.m. saw land* (*The North island of New Zealand.) from the Masthead bearing West by North, which we stood directly for, and could but just see it of the Deck at sunset. Variation per Azimuth and Amplitude 15 degrees 4 1/2 minutes East; by observation of the Sun and Moon made this afternoon the Longitude of the Ship is 180 degrees 55 minutes West, by the mean of these and Subsequent observations the Error of the Ship’s account in Longitude from George’s Island is 3 degrees 16 minutes; that is, so much to the Westward of the Longitude resulting from the Log, which is what is inserted in the Columns. At Midnight brought too and sounded, but had no ground with 170 fathoms. At daylight made sail in for the Land, at Noon it bore from South-West to North-West by North, distant 8 Leagues. Latitude observed 38 degrees 57 minutes South; Wind North-East, South-East, Variable; course South 70 degrees West; distance 41 miles; latitude 38 degrees 57 minutes observed South; longitude 177 degrees 54 minutes West.”

    Cook’s Journal (Hawkesworth), October 6, 1769 :

    “On the next day, Friday, October the 6th, we saw land from the mast-head, bearing W. by N. and stood directly for it; in the evening it could just be discerned from the deck, and appeared large. The variation this day was, by azimuth and amplitude, 15° 4′ ½E. and by observation made of the sun and moon, the longitude of the ship appeared to be 180° 55′ W. and by the medium of this and subsequent observations, there appeared to be an error in the ship’s account of longitude during her run from Otaheite of 3° 16′, she being so much to the westward of the longitude resulting from the log. At midnight, I brought to and sounded, but had no ground with one hundred and seventy fathom.”

    Banks’s Journal, October 6, 1769:

    “This morn a Port Egmont hen and a seal were seen pretty early. At ½past one a small boy who was at the mast head Calld out Land. I was luckyly upon deck and well I was entertaind, within a few minutes the cry circulated and up came all hands, this land could not then be seen even from the tops yet few were there who did not plainly see it from the deck till it appeard that they had lookd at least 5 points wrong. Weather most moderate. We came up with it very slowly; at sun set myself was at the masthead, land appeard much like an Island or Islands but seemd to be large. Just before a small shark was seen who had a very piked nose something like our dog fish in England.”

    ______

    Approximate Location: click to enlarge map or open in Google Maps.

     

  16. 8 October 1769

    Approaching the Coast of New Zealand

    Cook’s Journal (Wharton):

    “Sunday, 8th. Gentle breezes and clear weather. At 5 p.m., seeing the opening of a Bay that appear’d to run pretty far inland, hauld our wind and stood in for it; but as soon as night came on we keept plying on and off until day light, when we found ourselves to leeward of the Bay, the wind being at North. By Noon we fetch’d in with the South-West point, but not being able to weather it we tacked and stood off. We saw in the Bay several Canoes, People upon the Shore, and some houses in the Country. The land on the Sea Coast is high, with Steep Cliffs; and back inland are very high Mountains. The face of the Country is of a hilly surface, and appears to be cloathed with wood and Verdure. Wind between the East-North-East and North.”

    Cook’s Journal (Hawkesworth), October 7, 1769:

    “On the 7th, it fell calm, we therefore approached the land slowly, and in the afternoon, when a breeze sprung up, we were still distant seven or eight leagues. It appeared still larger as it was more distinctly seen, with four or five ranges of hills, rising one over the other, and a chain of mountains above all, which appeared to be of an enormous height. This land became the subject of much eager conversation; but the general opinion seemed to be that we had found the Terra australis incognita.

    About five o’clock we saw the opening of a bay, which seemed to run pretty far inland, upon which we hauled our wind and stood in for it; we also saw smoke ascending from different places on shore. When night came on, however, we kept plying off and on till day-light, when we found ourselves to the leeward of the bay, the wind being at north: we could now perceive that the hills were cloathed with wood, and that some of the trees in the valleys were very large. By noon we fetched in with the south west point; but not being able to weather it, tacked and stood off: at this time we saw several canoes standing cross the bay, which in a little time made to shore, without seeming to take the least notice of the ship; we also saw some houses, which appeared to be small, but neat; and near one of them a considerable number of the people collected together, who were sitting upon the beach, and who, we thought, were the same that we had seen in the canoes.

    Upon a small peninsula, at the north east head, we could plainly perceive a pretty high and regular paling, which inclosed the whole top of a hill; this was also the subject of much speculation, some supposing it to be a park of deer, others an inclosure for oxen and sheep. About four o’clock in the afternoon, we anchored on the north west side of the bay, before the entrance of a small river, in ten fathom water, with a fine sandy bottom, and at about half a league from the shore. The sides of the bay are white cliffs of a great height; the middle is low land, with hills gradually rising behind, one towering above another, and terminating in the chain of mountains which appeared to be far inland.

    In the evening I went on more, accompanied by Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, with the pinnace and yawl, and a party of men. We landed abreast of the ship, on the east side of the river, which was here about forty yards broad; but seeing some natives on the west side whom I wished to speak with, and finding the river not fordable, I ordered the yawl in to carry us over, and left the pinnace at the entrance. When we came near the place where the people were assembled, they all ran away; however, we landed, and leaving four boys to take care of the yawl, we walked up to some huts which were about two or three hundred yards from the water-side. When we had got some distance from the boat, four men, armed with long lances, rushed out of the woods, and running up to attack the boat, would certainly have cut her off, if the people in the pinnace had not discovered them, and called to the boys to drop down the stream: the boys instantly obeyed; but being closely pursued by the Indians, the Cockswain of the pinnace, who had the charge of the boats, fired a musquet over their heads; at this they stopped and looked round them, but in a few minutes renewed the pursuit, brandishing their lances in a threatening manner: the Cockswain then fired a second musquet over their heads, but of this they took no notice; and one of them lifting up his spear to dart it at the boat, another piece was fired, which shot him dead. When he fell, the other three stood motionless for some minutes, as if petrified with astonishment; as soon as they recovered, they went back, dragging after them the dead body, which however they soon left, that it might not incumber their flight.

    At the report of the first musquet we drew together, having straggled to a little distance from each other, and made the best of our way back to the boat; and crossing the river, we soon saw the Indian lying dead upon the ground. Upon examining the body, we found that he had been shot through the heart: he was a man of the middle size and stature; his complexion was brown, but not very dark; and one side of his face was tattowed in spiral lines of a very regular figure: he was covered with a fine cloth, of a manufacture altogether new to us, and it was tied on exactly according to the representation in Valentyn’s Account of Abel Tasman’s Voyage, vol. iii. part 2. page 50. his hair also was tied in a knot on the top of his head, but had no feather in it. We returned immediately to the ship, where we could hear the people on shore talking with great earnestness, and in a very loud tone, probably about what had happened, and what should be done.”

    Banks’s Journal, October 7, 1769:

    “This morn the Land plainly seen from the deck appears to be very large; about 11 a large smoak was seen and soon after several more, sure sign of inhabitants. After dinner dropd calm: myself in little boat shot Nectris munda and Procellaria velox, took with the dipping net Dagysa gemma and a good deal of Fucus, sertularia etc., the examination of which is postpond till we shall have more time than we are likely to have at present. In the Evening a pleasant breeze. At sunset all hands at the mast head; Land still distant 7 or 8 leagues, appears larger than ever, in many parts 3, 4 and 5 ranges of hills are seen one over the other and a chain of Mountains over all, some of which appear enormously high. Much difference of opinion and many conjectures about  Islands, rivers, inlets etc., but all hands seem to agree that this is certainly the Continent we are in search of.”

     

    Approximate Location: click to enlarge map or open in Google Maps.

  17. 9 October 1769

    Poverty Bay Encounter

    The tragic events at Poverty Bay marked the expedition’s first contact with the Māori. Misinterpretations of gestures and intentions resulted in violence, prompting Cook to express regret and to seek reconciliation through renewed efforts at peaceful communication.

    Cook’s Journal (Wharton):

    “MONDAY, 9th October. Gentle breezes and Clear Weather. P.M. stood into the Bay and Anchored on the North-East side before the Entrance of a small River,* (* Tauranga nui. The township of Gisborne is now situated on its eastern bank.) in 10 fathoms, a fine sandy bottom. The North-East point of the Bay bore East by South 1/2 South, and the South-West point South, distance from the Shore half a League.

    After this I went ashore with a Party of men in the Pinnace and yawl accompanied by Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander. We landed abreast of the Ship and on the East side of the River just mentioned; but seeing some of the Natives on the other side of the River of whom I was desirous of speaking with, and finding that we could not ford the River, I order’d the yawl in to carry us over, and the pinnace to lay at the Entrance. In the mean time the Indians made off. However we went as far as their Hutts which lay about 2 or 300 Yards from the water side, leaving 4 boys to take care of the Yawl, which we had no sooner left than 4 Men came out of the woods on the other side the River, and would certainly have cut her off had not the People in the Pinnace discover’d them and called to her to drop down the Stream, which they did, being closely persued by the Indians.

    The coxswain of the Pinnace, who had the charge of the Boats, seeing this, fir’d 2 Musquets over their Heads; the first made them stop and Look round them, but the 2nd they took no notice of; upon which a third was fir’d and kill’d one of them upon the Spot just as he was going to dart his spear at the Boat. At this the other 3 stood motionless for a Minute or two, seemingly quite surprised; wondering, no doubt, what it was that had thus kill’d their Comrade; but as soon as they recovered themselves they made off, dragging the Dead body a little way and then left it. Upon our hearing the report of the Musquets we immediately repair’d to the Boats, and after viewing the Dead body we return’d on board. In the morning, seeing a number of the Natives at the same place where we saw them last night, I went on shore with the Boats, mann’d and arm’d, and landed on the opposite side of the river.

    Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, and myself only landed at first, and went to the side of the river, the natives being got together on the opposite side. We called to them in the George’s Island Language, but they answer’d us by flourishing their weapons over their heads and dancing, as we suppos’d, the War Dance; upon this we retir’d until the Marines were landed, which I order’d to be drawn up about 200 yards behind us. We went again to the river side, having Tupia, Mr. Green, and Dr. Monkhouse along with us.

    Tupia spoke to them in his own Language, and it was an agreeable surprize to us to find that they perfectly understood him. After some little conversation had passed one of them swam over to us, and after him 20 or 30 more; these last brought their Arms, which the first man did not. We made them every one presents, but this did not satisfy them; they wanted everything we had about us, particularly our Arms, and made several attempts to snatch them out of our hands.

    Tupia told us several times, as soon as they came over, to take care of ourselves for they were not our friends; and this we very soon found, for one of them snatched Mr. Green’s hanger from him and would not give it up. This encouraged the rest to be more insolent, and seeing others coming over to join them, I order’d the man who had taken the Hanger to be fir’d at, which was accordingly done, and wounded in such a manner that he died soon after. Upon the first fire, which was only 2 Musquets, the others retir’d to a Rock which lay nearly in the middle of the River; but on seeing the man fall they return’d, probably to carry him off or his Arms, the last of which they accomplished, and this we could not prevent unless we had run our Bayonets into them, for upon their returning from off the Rock, we had discharged off our Peices, which were loaded with small shott, and wounded 3 more; but these got over the River and were carried off by the others, who now thought proper to retire.

    Finding nothing was to be done with the People on this side, and the water in the river being salt, I embarked with an intent to row round the head of the Bay in search of fresh water, and if possible to surprise some of the Natives and to take them on board, and by good Treatment and Presents endeavour to gain their friendship with this view.”

    Cook’s Journal (Hawkesworth), October 9, 1769:

    “In the morning, we saw several of the natives where they had been seen the night before, and some walking with a quick pace towards the place where we had landed, most of them unarmed; but three or four with long pikes in their hands. As I was desirous to establish an intercourse with them, I ordered three boats to be manned with seamen and marines, and proceeded towards the shore, accompanied by Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, the other Gentlemen, and Tupia; about fifty of them seemed to wait for our landing, on the opposite side of the river, which we thought a sign of fear, and seated themselves upon the ground: at first, therefore, myself, with only Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, and Tupia, landed from the little boat, and advanced towards them; but we had not proceeded many paces before they all started up, and every man produced either a long pike, or a small weapon of green Talc, extremely well polished, about a foot long, and thick enough to weigh four or five pounds: Tupia called to them in the language of Otaheite; but they answered only by flourishing their weapons, and making signs to us to depart; a musquet was then fired wide of them, and the ball struck the water, the river being still between us: they saw the effect, and desisted from their threats; but we thought it prudent to retreat till the marines could be landed.

    This was soon done; and they marched, with a jack carried before them, to a little bank, about fifty yards from the water-side; here they were drawn up, and I again advanced, with Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander; Tupia, Mr. Green, and Mr. Monkhouse, being with us. Tupia was again directed to speak to them, and it was with great pleasure that we perceived he was perfectly understood, he and the natives speaking only different dialects of the same language. He told them that we wanted provision and water, and would give them iron in exchange, the properties of which he explained as well as he was able. They were willing to trade, and desired that we would come over to them for that purpose: to this we consented, provided they would lay by their arms; which, however, they could by no means be persuaded to do.

    During this conversation, Tupia warned us to be upon our guard, for that they were not our friends: we then pressed them in our turn to come over to us; and at last one of them dripped himself, and swam over without his arms: he was almost immediately followed by two more, and soon after by most of the rest, to the number of twenty or thirty; but these brought their arms with them.

    We made them all presents of iron and beads; but they seemed to set little value upon either, particularly the iron, not having the least idea of its use; so that we got nothing in return but a few feathers: they offered indeed to exchange their arms for ours, and, when we refused, made many attempts to snatch them out of our hands.

    As soon as they came over, Tupia repeated his declaration, that they were not our friends, and again warned us to be upon our guard; their attempts to snatch our weapons, therefore, did not succeed; and we gave them to understand by Tupia, that we should be obliged to kill them if they offered any farther violence.

    In a few minutes, however, Mr. Green happening to turn about, one of them snatched away his hanger, and retiring to a little distance, waved it round his head, with a shout of exultation: the rest now began to be extremely insolent, and we saw more coming to join them from the opposite side of the river. It was therefore become necessary to repress them, and Mr. Banks fired at the man who had taken the hanger with small shot, at the distance of about fifteen yards: when the shot struck him, he ceased his cry; but instead of returning the hanger, continued to flourish it over his head, at the same time slowly retreating to a greater distance. Mr. Monkhouse seeing this, fired at him with ball, and he instantly dropped. Upon this the main body, who had retired to a rock in the middle of the river upon the first discharge, began to return; two that were near to the man who had been killed, ran up to the body, one seized his weapon of green Talc, and the other endeavoured to secure the hanger, which Mr. Monkhouse had but just time to prevent.

    As all that had retired to the rock were now advancing, three of us discharged our pieces, loaded only with small shot, upon which they swam back for the shore; and we perceived, upon their landing, that two or three of them were wounded. They retired slowly up the country, and we reimbarked in our boats.

    As we had unhappily experienced that nothing was to be done with these people at this place, and finding the water in the river to be salt, I proceeded in the boats round the head of the bay in search of fresh water, and with a design, if possible, to surprise some of the natives, and take them on board, where by kind treatment and presents I might obtain their friendship, and by their means establish an amicable correspondence with their countrymen.

    To my great regret, I found no place where I could land, a dangerous surf every where beating upon the more; but I saw two canoes coming in from the sea, one under fail, and the other worked with paddles. I thought this a favourable opportunity to get some of the people into my possession without mischief, as those in the canoe were probably fishermen and without arms, and I had three boats full of men. I therefore disposed the boats so as most effectually to intercept them in their way to the more; the people in the canoe that was paddled perceived us so soon, that by making to the nearest land with their utmost strength, they escaped us; the other sailed on till she was in the midst of us, without discerning what we were; but the moment she discovered us, the people on board struck their sail, and took to their paddles, which they plied so briskly that she out-ran the boat.

    They were however within hearing, and Tupia called out to them to come along side, and promised for us that they should come to no hurt: they chose, however, rather to trust to their paddles than our promises, and continued to make from us with all their power. I then ordered a musquet to be fired over their heads, as the least exceptionable expedient to accomplish my design, hoping it would either make them surrender or leap into the water. Upon the discharge of the piece, they ceased paddling; and all of them, being seven in number, began to strip, as we imagined to jump overboard; but it happened otherwise.

    They immediately formed a resolution not to fly, but to fight; and when the boat came up, they began the attack with their paddles, and with stones and other offensive weapons that were in the boat, so vigorously, that we were obliged to fire upon them in our own defence: four were unhappily killed, and the other three who were boys, the eldest about nineteen, and the youngest about eleven, instantly leaped into the water; the eldest swam with great vigour, and resisted the attempts of our people to take him into the boat by every effort that he could make: he was however at last overpowered, and the other two were taken up with less difficulty.

    I am conscious that the feeling of every reader of humanity will censure me for having fired upon these unhappy people, and it is impossible that, upon a calm review, I should approve it myself. They certainly did not deserve death for not chusing to confide in my promises; or not consenting to come on board my boat, even if they had apprehended no danger; but the nature of my service required me to obtain a knowlege of their country, which I could no otherwise effect than by forcing my way into it in a hostile manner, or gaining admission through the confidence and good-will of the people. I had already tried the power of presents without effect; and I was now prompted, by my desire to avoid further hostilities, to get some of them on board, as the only method left of convincing them that we intended them no harm, and had it in our power to contribute to their gratification and convenience.

    Thus far my intentions certainly were not criminal; and though in the contest, which I had not the least reason to expect, our victory might have been complete without so great an expence of life; yet in such situations, when the command to fire has been given, no man can restrain its excess, or prescribe its effect.

    As soon as the poor wretches whom we had taken out of the water were in the boat, they squatted down, expecting no doubt instantly to be put to death: we made haste to convince them of the contrary, by every method in our power; we furnished them with clothes, and gave them every other testimony of kindness that could remove their fears and engage their good-will. Those who are acquainted with human nature will not wonder, that the sudden joy of these young savages at being unexpectedly delivered from the fear of death, and kindly treated by those whom they supposed would have been their instant executioners, surmounted their concern for the friends they had lost, and was strongly expressed in their countenances and behaviour.

    Before we reached the ship, their suspicions and fears being wholly removed, they appeared to be not only reconciled to their situation but in high spirits, and upon being offered some bread when they came on board, they devoured it with a voracious appetite. They answered and asked many questions, with great appearance of pleasure and curiosity; and when our dinner came, they expressed an inclination to taste every thing that they saw: they seemed best pleased with the salt pork, though we had other provisions upon the table;

    At sun-set, they eat another meal with great eagerness, each devouring a large quantity of bread, and drinking above a quart of water. We then made them beds upon the lockers, and they went to sleep with great seeming content. In the night, however, the tumult of their minds having subsided, and given way to reflection, they sighed often and loud. Tupia, who was always upon the watch to comfort them, got up, and by soothing and encouragement made them not only easy but cheerful; their cheerfulness was encouraged so that they sung a song with a degree of taste that surprised us: the tune was solemn and slow, like those of our Psalms, containing many notes and semitones.

    Their countenances were intelligent and expressive, and the middlemost, who seemed to be about fifteen, had an openness in his aspect, and an ease in his deportment which were very striking: we found that the two eldest were brothers, and that their names were Taahourange and Koikerange; the name of the youngest was Maragovete. As we were returning to the ship, after having taken these boys into the boat, we picked up a large piece of pummice stone floating upon the water; a sure sign that there either is, or has been a volcano in this neighbourhood.

    Banks’s Journal, October 9, 1769:

    “We could see with our glasses but few people on the beach; they walkd with a quick pace towards the river where we landed yesterday, most of these without arms, 3 or 4 with long Pikes in their hands. The captn orderd three boats to be mannd with seamen and marines intending to land and try to establish a communication with them. A high surf ran on the shore. The Indians about 50 remaind on the farther side of the river; we lookd upon that as a sign of fear, so landing with the little boat only the Captn Dr Solander, Tupia and myself went to the river side to speak to them.

    As soon almost as we appeard they rose up and every man producd either a long pike or a small weapon of well polishd stone about a foot long and thick enough to weigh 4 or 5 pounds, with these they threatned us and signd to us to depart. A musquet was then fird wide of them the ball of which struck the water, they saw the effect and immediately ceasd their threats. We though[t] that it was prudent to retreat till the marines were landed and drawn up to intimidate them and support us in case of nesscessity. They landed and marchd with a Jack carried before them to a little bank about 50 yards from the river, which might be about 40 broad; here they were drawn up in order and we again advancd to the river side with Tupia, who now found that the language of the people was so like his own that he could tolerably well understand them and they him.

    He immediately began to tell them that we wanted provisions and water for which we would give them Iron in exchange: they agreed to the proposal but would by no means lay by their arms which he desird them do: this he lookd upon as a sign of treachery and continualy told us to be upon our guard for they were not our freinds. Many words passd the cheif purport of which was that each side desird the other to come over to them; at last however an Indian stripd himself and swam over without arms, he was followd by two more and soon after by most of the rest who brought with them their arms. We gave them Iron and beads, they seemd to set little value upon either but especialy upon the iron the use of which they certainly were totaly ignorant of. They caught at whatever was offerd them but would part with nothing but a few feathers: their arms indeed they offerd to exchange for ours which they made several atempts to snatch from us; we were upon our guard so much that their attempts faild and they were made to understand that we must kill them if they snatchd any thing from us.

    After some time Mr Green in turning himself about exposd his hanger, one of them immediately snatchd it, set up a cry of exultation and waving it round his head retreated gently. It now appeard nescessary for our safeties that so daring an act should be instantly punishd, this I pronouncd aloud as my opinion, the Captn and the rest Joind me on which I fird my musquet which was loaded with small shot, leveling it between his shoulders who was not 15 yards from me. On the shot striking him he ceasd his cry but instead of quitting his prize continued to wave it over his head retreating as gently as before; the surgeon who was nearer him, seeing this fird a ball at him at which he dropd. Two more who were near him returnd instantly, one seizd his weapon of Green talk, the other attempted to recover the hanger which the surgeon had scarce time to prevent.

    The main body of them were now upon a rock a little way in the river. They took the water returning towards us, on which the other three, for we were only 5 in number, fird on them. They then retird and swam again across the river. On their landing we saw that 3 were wounded, one seemingly a good deal hurt: we may hope however that neither of them were killd as one of the musquets only was loaded with ball, which I think I saw strike the water without taking effect, and Tupias gun which was the last that was fird I clearly saw strike two men low down upon their legs, who probably would be so lame as to walk with difficulty when they landed.  The Indians retird gently carrying with them their wounded and we reembarkd in our boats intending to row round the bay, see if there might be any shelter for the ship on the other side, and attempt to land there where the countrey appeard to be much more fruitfull than where we now were. The bottom of the bay provd to be a low sandy beach on which the sea broke most prodigiously so that we could not come near it; within was flat, a long way inland over this water might be seen from the mast head probably a lagoon but in the boat we could see no entrance into it.

    We had almost arrivd at the farthest part of the bay when a fresh breze came in from the seaward and we saw a Canoe sailing in standing right towards [us], soon after another padling. The Captn now resolvd to take one of these which in all probability might be done without the least resistance as we had three boats full of men and the canoes seemd to be fishermen, who probably were without arms. The boats were drawn up in such a manner that they could not well escape us: the padling canoe first saw us and made immediately for the nearest land, the other saild on till she was in the midst of us before she saw us, as soon as she did she struck her sail and began to paddle so briskly that she outran our boat; on a musquet being fird over her she however immediately ceasd padling and the people in her, 7 in all, made all possible haste to strip as we thought to leap into the water, but no sooner did our boat come up with her than they began with stones, paddles etc. to make so brisk a resistance that we were obligd to fire into her by which 4 were killd. The other three who were boys leapd overboard, one of them swam with great agility and when taken made every effort in his power to prevent being taken into the boat, the other two were more easily prevaild upon.

    As soon as they were in they squatted down expecting no doubt instant death, but on finding themselves well usd and that Cloaths were given them they recoverd their spirits in a very short time and before we got to the ship appeard almost totaly insensible of the loss of their fellows. As soon as they came onboard we offerd them bread to eat of which they almost devourd a large quantity, in the mean time they had Cloaths given them; this good usage had such an effect that they seemd to have intirely forgot every thing that had happned, put on chearfull and lively countenances and askd and answerd questions with a great deal of curiosity.

    Our dinner came, they expressd a curiosity to taste whatever they saw us eat, and did; salt pork seemd to please them better than any thing else, of this they eat a good deal. At sunset they eat again an enormous quantity of Bread and drank above a quart of water each; we then made them beds upon the lockers and they laid down to sleep with all seeming content imaginable. After dark loud voices were heard ashore as last night. Thus ended the most disagreable day My life has yet seen, black be the mark for it and heaven send that such may never return to embitter future reflection. I forgot to mention in its proper place that we pickd up a large pumice stone floating in the bay in returning to the ship today, a sure sign that there either is or has been a Volcano in this neighbourhood.”

    ______

    Approximate Location: click to enlarge map or open in Google Maps.

  18. 31 March 1770

    Exploring Admiralty Bay Before Departure

    Cook’s Journal (Wharton):

    “In the P.M., after rowing a league and a half or two leagues up the bay, I landed upon a point of land on the west side, where, from an eminence, I could see this western arm of the bay run in south-west by west about five leagues farther, yet did not see the head of it. There appeared to be several other inlets, or at least small bays, between this and the north-west head of Queen Charlotte’s Sound, in every one of which I make no doubt there is anchorage and shelter for shipping, as they are partly covered from the sea wind by the islands that lie without them.

    The land about this bay, at least what I could see of it, is of a very hilly, uneven surface, and appears to be mostly covered with wood, shrubs, ferns, etc., which renders travelling both difficult and fatiguing. I saw no inhabitants, nor have we seen any since we have been in this bay, but met with several of their huts, all of which appeared to have been at least twelve months deserted.

    Upon my return to the ship in the evening, I found the water, etc., all on board, and the ship ready for sea; and being now resolved to quit this country altogether, and to bend my thoughts toward returning home by such a route as might conduce most to the advantage of the service I am upon, I consulted with the officers upon the most eligible way of putting this in execution.

    To return by the way of Cape Horn was what I most wished, because by this route we should have been able to prove the existence or non-existence of a southern continent, which yet remains doubtful; but in order to ascertain this we must have kept in a higher latitude in the very depth of winter, and the condition of the ship, in every respect, was not thought sufficient for such an undertaking.

    For the same reason the thoughts of proceeding directly to the Cape of Good Hope were laid aside, especially as no discovery of any moment could be hoped for in that route. It was therefore resolved to return by way of the East Indies, by the following route: upon leaving this coast, to steer to the westward until we fall in with the east coast of New Holland, and then to follow the direction of that coast to the northward, or whatever direction it might take us, until we arrive at its northern extremity; and if this should be found impracticable, then to endeavour to fall in with the land or islands discovered by Quiros.*

    (Quiros, a Spanish navigator, discovered in 1605 Espiritu Santo, the northern island of the New Hebrides, which he supposed to be a part of a great southern continent. Cook, in his second voyage, thoroughly explored the New Hebrides group; and for some of the islands his charts are still the only guide.)

    With this view, at daylight we got under sail and put to sea, having the advantage of a fresh gale at South-East and clear weather. At noon the island which lies off the north-west point of the bay bore East 9° South, distant 10 miles; our latitude by observation was 40°35′ South.

    This bay I have named Admiralty Bay; the north-west point Cape Stephens, and the east point Jackson, after the two secretaries.*

    (The two secretaries of the Admiralty, Philip Stephens and George Jackson, both of whom showed great appreciation of Cook.)

    It may always be known by the island above mentioned, which is pretty high and lies North-East, two miles from Cape Stephens (latitude 40°37′ South, longitude 185°06′ West). Between this island and Cape Farewell, which is West by North and East by South, distant 14 or 15 leagues from each other, the shore forms a large deep bay, the bottom of which we could hardly see in sailing in a straight line from one cape to the other.

    It is not improbable that it is all lowland next the sea, as we have met with less water here than on any other part of the coast at the same distance from land; however, a bay there is, and it is known on the chart by the name of Blind Bay, but I have reason to believe it to be Tasman’s Murderers’ Bay.*

    (Blind Bay is now also known as Tasman Bay, and Massacre Bay is supposed to be a smaller bay in it, on the north-western side.)

    Before I quit this land altogether, I shall give a short general description of the country, its inhabitants, their manners, customs, etc., in which it is necessary to observe that many things are founded only on conjecture, for we were too short a time in any one place to learn much of their interior policy, and therefore could only draw conclusions from what we saw at different times.”

    Cook’s Journal (Hawkesworth), March 31, 1770:

    “With this view, at break of day on Saturday the 31st of March 1770, we got under sail, and put to sea, with the advantage of a fresh gale at S. E. and clear weather, taking our departure from the eastern point, which we had seen at noon on the 23d, and to which, on this occasion, I gave the name of Cape Farewell.

    The bay out of which we had just sailed I called Admiralty Bay, giving the name of Cape Stephens to the north west point, and of Cape Jackson to the south east, after the two gentlemen who at this time were Secretaries to the Board.

    Admiralty Bay may easily be known by the island that has been just mentioned, which lies two miles N. E. of Cape Stephens, in latitude 40° 37′ S. longitude 185° 6′ W. and is of a considerable height. Between this island and Cape Farewell, which are between fourteen and fifteen leagues distant from each other, in the direction of W. by N. and E. by S. the shore forms a large deep bay, the bottom of which we could scarcely see while we were sailing in a strait line from one Cape to the other; it is, however, probably of less depth than it appeared to be, for as we found the water shallower here, than at the same distance from any other part of the coast, there is reason to suppose, that the land at the bottom which lies next the sea is low, and therefore not easily to be distinguished from it. I have for this reason called it Blind Bay, and am of opinion that it is the same which was called Murderer’s Bay by Tasman.

    Such particulars of this country and its inhabitants, with their manners and customs, as could be learnt while we were circumnavigating the coast, shall now be related.”

    _________

    “Having sailed from Cape Farewell, which lies in latitude 40° 33′ S. longitude 186° W. on Saturday the 31st of March 1770, we steered westward, with a fresh gale at N. N. E.”

    Banks’s Journal, March 31, 1770:

    “Our rout being settled in the manner above mentiond we this morn weighd and saild with a fair breeze of wind inclind to fall in with Van Diemens Land as near as possible to the place where Tasman left it.”

     

    Approximate Location: click to enlarge map or open in Google Maps.

  19. 31 March 1770

    Some Reasons against the Existence of a Southern Continent

    Excerpts from Cook’s Journal (Wharton), March 1770:

    CHAP. X.

    Of the Canoes and Navigation of the Inhabitants of New Zealand; their Tillage, Weapons, and Music: Government, Religion, and Language: With some Reasons against the Existence of a Southern Continent.

    “But supposing these islands, and those in the South Seas, to have been peopled originally from the same country, it will perhaps for ever remain a doubt what country that is: we were, however, unanimously of opinion, that the people did not come from America, which lies to the eastward; and except there should appear to be a continent to the southward, in a moderate latitude, it will follow that they came from the westward.

    Thus far our navigation has certainly been unfavourable to the notion of a southern continent, for it has swept away at least three-fourths of the positions upon which it has been founded. The principal navigators, whose authority has been urged on this occasion, are Tasman, Juan Fernandes, Hermite, the commander of a Dutch squadron, Quiros, and Roggewein; and the track of the Endeavour has demonstrated that the land seen by these persons, and supposed to be part of a continent, is not so; it has also totally subverted the theoretical arguments which have been brought to prove that the existence of a southern continent is necessary to preserve an equilibrium between the two hemispheres; for upon this principle what we have already proved to be water, would render the southern hemisphere too light. In our rout to the northward, after doubling Cape Horn, when we were in the latitude of 40°, our longitude was 110°; and in our return to the southward, after leaving Ulietea, when we were again in latitude 40°, our longitude was 145°; the difference is 35°. When we were in latitude 30° the difference of longitude between the two tracks was 21°, which continued till we were as low as 20°; but a single view of the chart will convey a better idea of this than the most minute description: yet as upon a view of the chart it will appear that there is a large space extending quite to the Tropics, which neither we, nor any other navigators to our knowlege have explored, and as there will appear to be room enough for the Cape of a southern continent to extend northward into a low southern latitude, I shall give my reasons for believing there is no Cape, of any southern continent, to the northward of 40° south.

    Notwithstanding what has been laid down by some geographers in their maps, and alleged by Mr. Dalrymple, with respect to Quiros, it is improbable in the highest degree that he saw to the southward of two islands, which he discovered in latitude 25 or 26, and which I suppose may lie between the longitude of 130° and 140° W. any signs of a continent, much less any thing which, in his opinion, was a known or indubitable sign of such land; for if he had, he would certainly have sailed southward in search of it, and if he had sought, supposing the signs to have been indubitable, he must have found: the discovery of a southern continent was the ultimate object of Quiros’s voyage, and no man appears to have had it more at heart; so that if he was in latitude 26° S. and in longitude 146° W. where Mr. Dalrymple has placed the islands he discovered, it may fairly be inferred that no part of a southern continent extends to that latitude.

    It will, I think, appear with equal evidence from the accounts of Roggewein’s voyage, that between the longitudes of 130° and 150° W. there is no main land to the northward of 35° S. Mr. Pingre, in a treatise concerning the transit of Venus, which he went out to observe, has inserted an extract of Roggewein’s voyage, and a map of the South Seas; and for reasons which may be seen at large in his work, supposes him, after leaving Easter Island, which he places in latitude 28 ½ S. longitude 123° W. to have steered S. W. as high as 34° S. and afterwards W. N. W.; and if this was indeed his rout, the proof that there is no main land to the northward of 35° S. is irrefragable. Mr. Dalrymple indeed supposes his rout to have been different, and that from Easter Isle he steered N. W. taking a course afterwards very little different from that of La Maire; but I think it is highly improbable that a man, who at his own request was sent to discover a southern continent, should take a course in which La Maire had already proved no continent could be found: it must however be confessed, that Roggewein’s track cannot certainly be ascertained, because in the accounts that have been published of his voyage, neither longitudes nor latitudes are mentioned. As to myself I saw nothing that I thought a sign of land, in my rout either to the northward, southward, or westward, till a few days before I made the east coast of New Zealand: I did indeed frequently see large flocks of birds, but they were generally such as are found at a very remote distance from any coast; and it is also true that I frequently saw pieces of rock-weed, but I could not infer the vicinity of land from these, because I have been informed, upon indubitable authority, that a considerable quantity of the beans called ox-eyes, which are known to grow no where but in the West Indies, are every year thrown up on the coast of Ireland, which is not less than twelve hundred leagues distant.

    Thus have I given my reasons for thinking that there is no continent to the northward of latitude 40° S.; of what may lie farther to the southward than 40° I can give no opinion; but I am so far from wishing to discourage any future attempt, finally to determine a question which has long been an object of attention to many nations; that now this voyage has reduced the only possible site of a continent in the southern hemisphere, north of latitude 40°, to so small a space, I think it would be pity to leave that any longer unexamined, especially as the voyage may turn to good account, besides determining the principal question, if no continent should be found, by the discovery of new islands in the Tropical regions, of which there is probably a great number, that no European vessel has ever yet visited. Tupia from time to time gave us an account of about one hundred and thirty, and in a chart drawn by his own hand, he actually laid down no less than seventy-four.”

     

  20. 1 April 1770

    Departure from New Zealand

    Cook’s Journal (Wharton):

    “In the P.M. had a moderate breeze at east, which in the night veered to the north-east and was attended with hazy, rainy weather. I have before made mention of our quitting New Zealand with an intention to steer to the westward, which we accordingly did, taking our departure from Cape Farewell in latitude 40°30′ south and longitude 185°58′ west from Greenwich, which bore from us at 5 p.m. west 18° north, distance 12 miles.

    After this we steered north-west and west-north-west, in order to give it a good berth, until 8 o’clock a.m., at which time we steered west, having the advantage of a fresh gale at north by east. At noon our latitude by account was 40°12′ south, longitude made from Cape Farewell 1°11′ west.”

    Cook’s Journal (Hawkesworth): April 2, 1770:

    “… on the 2d of April, our latitude, by observation, was 40°, our longitude from Cape Farewell 2° 31′ W.” 

    Banks’s Journal, April 1, 1770:

    “Fresh breeze and fair all day.”

    Banks’s Journal, April 2, 1770:

    (Banks’s note on his theory that wort made from malt could help prevent scurvy at sea.)

    “Wind more to the westward but still fair.–Our malt having turnd out so indifferent that the Surgeon made little use of it a method was thought of some weeks ago to bring it into use, which was to make as strong a wort with it as possible and in this boil the wheat which is servd to the People for breakfast. It made a mess far from unpleasant which the people soon grew very fond of: myself who have for many months constantly breakfasted upon the same wheat as the people, either did or at least thought that I receivd great benefit from the use of this mess, it totaly banishd in me that troublesome Costiveness which I beleive most people are subject to when at sea.

    Whether or no this is a more beneficial method of administering wort as a preventative than the common must be left to the faculty, especialy that excellent surgeon Mr M’Bride whose ingenious treatise on the sea scurvy can never be enough commended. For my own part I should be inclind to beleive that the salubrious qualities of the wort which arise from fermentation might in some degree at least be communicated to the wheat when thouroughly saturated with its particles, which would consequently acquire a virtue similar to that of fresh vegetables, the most powerfull resisters of Sea scurvy known.

     

    Approximate Location: click to enlarge map or open in Google Maps.

  21. 19 April 1770

    First Sight of the East Coast of Australia

    This marks the first recorded European sighting of Australia’s east coast. Point Hicks, located in present-day Victoria, stands as the landmark where Cook began his exploration of eastern Australia.

    Cook’s Journal (Wharton):

    “In the P.M. had fresh Gales at South-South-West and Cloudy Squally weather, with a large Southerly Sea; at 6 took in the Topsails, and at 1 A.M. brought too and Sounded, but had no ground with 130 fathoms of line. At 5, set the Topsails close reef’d, and 6, saw land* (* The south-east coast of Australia. See chart.) extending from North-East to West, distance 5 or 6 Leagues, having 80 fathoms, fine sandy bottom. We continued standing to the Westward with the Wind at South-South-West until 8, at which time we got Topgallant Yards a Cross, made all sail, and bore away along shore North-East for the Eastermost land we had in sight, being at this time in the Latitude of 37 degrees 58 minutes South, and Longitude of 210 degrees 39 minutes West.

    The Southermost point of land we had in sight, which bore from us West 1/4 South, I judged to lay in the Latitude of 38 degrees 0 minutes South and in the Longitude of 211 degrees 7 minutes West from the Meridian of Greenwich. I have named it Point Hicks, because Lieutenant Hicks was the first who discover’d this Land. To the Southward of this point we could see no land, and yet it was clear in that Quarter, and by our Longitude compared with that of Tasman’s, the body of Van Diemen’s land ought to have bore due South from us, and from the soon falling of the Sea after the wind abated I had reason to think it did; but as we did not see it, and finding the Coast to trend North-East and South-West, or rather more to the Westward, makes me Doubtfull whether they are one land or no.* (* Had not the gale on the day before forced Cook to run to the northward, he would have made the north end of the Furneaux Group, and probably have discovered Bass Strait, which would have cleared up the doubt, which he evidently felt, as to whether Tasmania was an island or not. The fact was not positively known until Dr. Bass sailed through the Strait in a whale-boat in 1797. Point Hicks was merely a rise in the coast-line, where it dipped below the horizon to the westward, and the name of Point Hicks Hill is now borne by an elevation that seems to agree with the position.)

    However, every one who compares this Journal with that of Tasman’s will be as good a judge as I am; but it is necessary to observe that I do not take the Situation of Vandiemen’s from the Printed Charts, but from the extract of Tasman’s Journal, published by Dirk Rembrantse. At Noon we were in the Latitude of 37 degrees 50 minutes and Longitude of 210 degrees 29 minutes West. The extreams of the Land extending from North-West to East-North-East, a remarkable point, bore North 20 degrees East, distant 4 Leagues. This point rises to a round hillock very much like the Ramhead going into Plymouth sound, on which account I called it by the same name; Latitude 37 degrees 39 minutes, Longitude 210 degrees 22 minutes West. The Variation by an Azimuth taken this morning was 8 degrees 7 minutes East. What we have as yet seen of this land appears rather low, and not very hilly, the face of the Country green and Woody, but the Sea shore is all a white Sand.”

    Cook’s Journal (Hawkesworth), April 19, 1770:

    “Atone in the morning we brought to and sounded, but had no ground with 130 fathom; at six we saw land extending from N. E. to W. at the distance of five or six leagues, having eighty fathom water with a fine sandy bottom.”

    Banks’s Journal, April 19, 1770:

    “With the first day light this morn the Land was seen, at 10 it was pretty plainly to be observd; it made in sloping hills, coverd in Part with trees or bushes, but interspersd with large tracts of sand. At Noon the land much the same. We were now sailing along shore 5 or 6 Leagues from it, with a brisk breeze of wind and cloudy unsettled weather, when we were calld upon deck to see three water spouts, which at the same time made their appearance in different places but all between us and the land. Two which were very distant soon disapeard but the third which was about a League from us lasted full a quarter of an hour. It was a column which appeard to be of about the thickness of a mast or a midling tree, and reachd down from a smoak colourd cloud about two thirds of the way to the surface of the sea; under it the sea appeard to be much troubled for a considerable space and from the whole of that space arose a dark colourd thick mist which reachd to the bottom of the pipe.

    When it was at its greatest distance from the water the pipe itself was perfectly transparent and much resembled a tube of glass or a Column of water, if such a thing could be supposd to be suspended in the air; it very frequently contracted and dilated, lenghned and shortned itself and that by very quick motions; it very seldom remaind in a perpendicular direction but Generaly inclind either one way or the other in a curve as a light body acted upon by wind is observd to do.

    During the whole time that it lasted smaler ones seemd to attempt to form in its neighbourhood; at last one did about as thick as a rope close by it and became longer than the old one which at that time was in its shortest state; upon this they Joind together in an instant and gradualy contracting into the Cloud disapeard.”

    ______

    Approximate Location: click to enlarge map or open in Google Maps.

     

  22. 29 April 1770

    First landing at Botany Bay

    Cook, Banks, and Solander went ashore near present-day Kurnell (Sydney), marking the first landing of Europeans on the east coast of Australia. Their encounter with the Gweagal people was cautious and tense but did not lead to violence. Banks’s botanical studies here produced one of the voyage’s most significant scientific legacies.

    Cook’s Journal (Wharton):

    “In the P.M. wind Southerly and clear weather, with which we stood into the bay and anchored under the South shore, about 2 miles within the entrance, in 5 fathoms, the South point bearing South-East and the North point East. As we came in, we saw on both points of the bay several of the natives and a few huts—men, women, and children—on the South Shore abreast of the ship.

    I went in the boats to this place in hopes of speaking with them, accompanied by Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, and Tupia. As we approached the shore, they all made off except two men, who seemed resolved to oppose our landing. I ordered the boats to lay on their oars to speak to them, but neither we nor Tupia could understand one word they said.

    We then threw them some nails, beads, etc., ashore, which they took up and seemed not ill pleased with, so that I thought they beckoned us to come closer; but we were mistaken. As soon as we put the boat in, they again came to oppose us, upon which I fired a musket between the two, which had no other effect than to make them retire back, where bundles of their darts lay. One of them took up a stone and threw it at us, which caused my firing a second musket loaded with small shot. Although some of the shot struck the man, it had no other effect than making him lay hold on a target.

    Immediately after this we landed, and they threw two darts at us; this obliged me to fire a third shot, soon after which they both made off, though not in such haste but that we might have taken one. Mr. Banks, being of opinion that the darts were poisoned, made me cautious how I advanced into the woods.

    We found here a few small huts made of bark, in one of which were four or five small children, with whom we left some strings of beads, etc. A quantity of darts lay about the huts, which we took away. Three canoes lay upon the beach—the worst I think I ever saw—about 12 or 14 feet long, made of one piece of bark, drawn up at each end and kept open by sticks serving as thwarts.

    After searching for fresh water without success, except a little in a small hole dug in the sand, we embarked and went over to the north point of the bay, where we had seen several people as we came in; but when we landed, there was nobody to be seen. Here we found some fresh water trickling down and standing in pools among the rocks; but as this was troublesome to come at, I sent a party ashore in the morning to the place where we first landed to dig holes in the sand, by which means and a small stream they found fresh water sufficient to water the ship.

    The strings of beads, etc., we had left with the children last night were found laying in the huts this morning—probably the natives were afraid to take them away. After breakfast we sent some empty casks ashore and a party of men to cut wood, and I went myself in the pinnace to sound and explore the bay. In doing so I saw some of the natives, but they all fled at my approach.

    I landed in two places, one of which the people had but just left, as there were small fires and fresh mussels broiling upon them; here likewise lay vast heaps of the largest oyster shells I ever saw.”

    Cook’s Journal (Hawkesworth), April 27, 1770 :

    “We now tacked and stood off till twelve, then tacked and stood in again till four in the morning, when we made a trip off till daylight; and during all this time we lost ground, owing to the variableness of the winds. We continued at the distance of between four and five miles from the shore, till the afternoon, when we came within two miles, and I then hoisted out the pinnace and yawl to attempt a landing, but the pinnace proved to be so leaky that I was obliged to hoist her in again. At this time we saw several of the natives walking briskly along the shore, four of whom carried a small canoe upon their shoulders: we flattered ourselves that they were going to put her into the water, and come off to the ship, but finding ourselves disappointed, I determined to go on shore in the yawl, with as many as it would carry: I embarked therefore, with only Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, Tupia, and four rowers: we pulled for that part of the shore where the Indians appeared, near which four small canoes were lying at the water’s edge.”

    Banks’s Journal, 1770 April 28:

    “The land this morn appeard Cliffy and barren without wood. An opening appearing like a harbour was seen and we stood directly in for it. A small smoak arising from a very barren place directed our glasses that way and we soon saw about 10 people, who on our approach left the fire and retird to a little emminence where they could conveniently see the ship; soon after this two Canoes carrying 2 men each landed on the beach under them, the men hauld up their boats and went to their fellows upon the hill.

    Our boat which had been sent ahead to sound now aproachd the place and they all retird higher up on the hill; we saw however that at the beach or landing place one man at least was hid among some rocks who never that we could see left that place. Our boat proceeded along shore and the Indians followd her at a distance. When she came back the officer who was in her told me that in a cove a little within the harbour they came down to the beach and invited our people to land by many signs and word[s] which he did not at all understand; all however were armd with long pikes and a wooden weapon made something like a short scymetar.

    During this time a few of the Indians who had not followd the boat remaind on the rocks opposite the ship, threatning and menacing with their pikes and swords–two in particular who were painted with white, their faces seemingly only dusted over with it, their bodies painted with broad strokes drawn over their breasts and backs resembling much a soldiers cross belts, and their legs and thighs also with such like broad strokes drawn round them which imitated broad garters or bracelets. Each of these held in his hand a wooden weapon about 2½ feet long, in shape much resembling a scymeter; the blades of these lookd whitish and some though[t] shining insomuch that they were almost of opinion that they were made of some kind of metal, but myself thought they were no more than wood smeard over with the same white pigment with which they paint their bodies. These two seemd to talk earnestly together, at times brandishing their crooked weapons at us as in token of defiance.

    By noon we were within the mouth of the inlet which appeard to be very good. Under the South head of it were four small canoes; in each of these was one man who held in his hand a long pole with which he struck fish, venturing with his little imbarkation almost into the surf. These people seemd to be totaly engag’d in what they were about: the ship passd within a quarter of a mile of them and yet they scarce lifted their eyes from their employment; I was almost inclind to think that attentive to their business and deafned by the noise of the surf they neither saw nor heard her go past them.

    At 1 we came to an anchor abreast of a small village consisting of about 6 or 8 houses. Soon after this an old woman followd by three children came out of the wood; she carried several peice[s] of stick and the children also had their little burthens; when she came to the houses 3 more younger children came out of one of them to meet her. She often lookd at the ship but expressd neither surprize nor concern. Soon after this she lighted a fire and the four Canoes came in from fishing; the people landed, hauld up their boats and began to dress their dinner to all appearance totaly unmovd at us, tho we were within a little more than ½ a mile of them. Of all these people we had seen so distinctly through our glasses we had not been able to observe the least signs of Cloathing: myself to the best of my judgement plainly discernd that the woman did not copy our mother Eve even in the fig leaf. 

    After dinner the boats were mann’d and we set out from the ship intending to land at the place where we saw these people, hoping that as they regarded the ships coming in to the bay so little they would as little regard our landing.

    We were in this however mistaken, for as soon as we aproachd the rocks two of the men came down upon them, each armd with a lance of about 10 feet long and a short stick which he seemd to handle as if it was a machine to throw the lance. They calld to us very loud in a harsh sounding Language of which neither us or Tupia understood a word, shaking their lances and menacing, in all appearance resolvd to dispute our landing to the utmost tho they were but two and we 30 or 40 at least.

    In this manner we parleyd with them for about a quarter of an hour, they waving to us to be gone, we again signing that we wanted water and that we meant them no harm. They remaind resolute so a musquet was fird over them, the Effect of which was that the Youngest of the two dropd a bundle of lances on the rock at the instant in which he heard the report; he however snatchd them up again and both renewd their threats and opposition. A Musquet loaded with small shot was now fird at the Eldest of the two who was about 40 yards from the boat; it struck him on the legs but he minded it very little so another was immediately fird at him; on this he ran up to the house about 100 yards distant and soon returnd with a sheild.

    In the mean time we had landed on the rock. He immediately threw a lance at us and the young man another which fell among the thickest of us but hurt nobody; 2 more musquets with small shot were then fird at them on which the Eldest threw one more lance and then ran away as did the other.

    We went up to the houses, in one of which we found the children hid behind the sheild and a peice of bark in one of the houses. We were conscious from the distance the people had been from us when we fird that the shot could have done them no material harm; we therefore resolvd to leave the children on the spot without even opening their shelter. We therefore threw into the house to them some beads, ribbands, cloths etc. as presents and went away.

    We however thought it no improper measure to take away with us all the lances which we could find about the houses, amounting in number to forty or fifty. They were of various lenghs, from 15 to 6 feet in lengh; both those which were thrown at us and all we found except one had 4 prongs headed with very sharp fish bones, which were besmeard with a greenish colourd gum that at first gave me some suspicions of Poison. The people were blacker than any we have seen in the Voyage tho by no means negroes; their beards were thick and bushy and they seemd to have a redundancy of hair upon those parts of the body where it commonly grows; the hair of their heads was bushy and thick but by no means wooley like that of a Negro; they were of a common size, lean and seemd active and nimble; their voices were coarse and strong.

    Upon examining the lances we had taken from them we found that the very most of them had been usd in striking fish, at least we concluded so from sea weed which was found stuck in among the four prongs.–Having taken the resolution before mentiond we returnd to the ship in order to get rid of our load of lances, and having done that went to that place at the mouth of the harbour where we had seen the people in the morn; here however we found nobody.–

    At night many moving lights were seen in different parts of the bay such as we had been usd to see at the Islands; from hence we supposd that the people here strike fish in the same manner.

    ______

    Approximate Location: click to enlarge map or open in Google Maps.

     

  23. 11 June 1770

    Introduction to On the Edge of Erasure: The Endeavour’s Ordeal on the Great Barrier Reef

    This introduction recounts, in brief, the harrowing days when the Endeavour stood on the brink of disaster. It gives readers a clear sense of how close the ship, her crew, and the priceless knowledge she carried came to being lost forever.

    The Calm Before the Near Destruction

    Under the quiet moon of June 11, 1770, the Endeavour moves gently across the vast Pacific, poised between two very different worlds. One is familiar, already charted, measured, and claimed. The other lies ahead, immense and largely unknown, waiting in deep silence beneath a canopy of stars. For months the vessel has survived tempests, bitter cold, and the uncertainties of uncharted coasts. Inside her wooden hull she carries far more than a company of sailors. She carries knowledge.

    There are charts of New Zealand’s twin islands. The first scientific observations made in Tahiti. The records and experiences gathered during their travels among the islands near and around Tahiti after they departed its shores. Botanical treasures collected by Banks and Solander. And the living memory of Tupia’s remarkable navigation. Together these discoveries hold the potential to shape entire continents.

    They include charts that will one day redraw the Pacific, specimens that will influence how nations understand and cultivate the living world, records that preserve languages and cultures, and evidence that will help guide the future of empires.

    Yet as the Endeavour glides into the intricate maze of the Great Barrier Reef, no one aboard can sense how fragile the thread of their journey has become or how close they are to nearly losing everything.

    “CRAAACK… GRRRRIND…!” The Moment of Impact

    Without warning, the calm is shattered. A violent, splintering sound tears through the night as the Endeavour lurches to a halt. Ancient coral, sharp and immovable, rises against her timbers like the jagged teeth of an immense creature that has waited in silence for centuries.

    In that single moment, the entire expedition stands on the brink of disappearance. If the ship breaks and sinks beneath the ocean water, decades of European knowledge of the Pacific will vanish.

    Their painstaking surveys, the confirmation that New Zealand consists of two islands and is not part of another continent, and even the possibility of Britain’s future claim to eastern Australia will never reach home. Banks’s vast botanical legacy, the seeds of understanding that would one day shape how nations explore the living world, will be swallowed by the sea.

    The ocean, which has carried them so far, now threatens to become their grave. Water surges into the hull. Planks tear free. The ship groans under the crushing weight of the reef. In the darkness, the crew works feverishly, often waist-deep in cold seawater.

    A boat is lowered, and the master is sent out to sound the water around the ship. His measurements confirm their fear. The Endeavour has struck a rock, and shallow water surrounds her on every side.

    The Reef’s Grip

    Throughout this time, the ship continues to pound violently against the reef, pitching so fiercely that the men can scarcely keep their footing on the quarterdeck. By the pale light of the moon, fragments of her sheathing boards can be seen drifting thickly across the water, grim evidence of the damage already done.

    Shortly after midnight, the false keel tears free and is carried away, leaving the ship even more vulnerable to the relentless force of the sea.

    Every man understands that failure in this situation means death, thousands of miles from any hope of rescue. Yet at the center of this turmoil stands Lieutenant James Cook, calm and deliberate. His quiet authority binds the men together at a time when fear could easily take command.

    Leadership in the Face of Death

    On Cook’s orders, the crew cast overboard guns, iron, water casks, and stone ballast in a determined effort to lighten the wounded vessel. Yet despite the great weight removed, the Endeavour failed to rise when the next high tide came at midday, the water still not sufficient to free her from the reef.

    By the time the second high tide arrived, the pumps had been worked without pause for nearly twenty-four hours, and the strain showed clearly on every face. The capstan and windlass were manned once more, and the crew heaved together in silence, each effort driven by the clear knowledge that death stood close at hand. There was no longer any hope of saving the ship outright, only the desperate resolve to keep her afloat long enough to run her ashore.

    At ten o’clock, however, the Endeavour at last begins to float, and within minutes she is hauled into deeper water.

    To their great relief, she takes on no more water than before, offering a fragile reassurance that she might yet survive.

    A Narrow Escape from the Reef

    The ship had thankfully slid from the ocean side of the reef into the calmer leeward side, where the reef now provides protected waters. From here, there is the opportunity to maneuver through the shoals and coral reefs, to find a place to beach the ship for repairs.

    Unseen in the darkness, a small and unlikely mercy has already taken hold. A fragment of coral, torn loose in the collision, has lodged itself in the largest breach, slowing the incoming flood.

    But chance and fine weather alone are not enough. Once the ship has floated free of the reef, the hole in her hull allows water to rush in, and the pumps may not be able to keep pace.

    The Gamble that Saved the Endeavour

    It is Mr. Monkhouse, a midshipman, who recalls a daring procedure he has once witnessed. He proposes the use of fothering, a method that all have heard of but none aboard have seen practiced. A sail packed with wool, oakum, and dung is drawn beneath the hull so that the sea itself will press the fibers into the breach.

    Cook listens, weighs the risks, and orders the attempt. Under Monkhouse’s supervision, the sail is prepared and lowered. Slowly, the sea pulls the fibers into the shattered timbers. The torrent weakens. One pump, instead of three, begin to hold the water at bay. For the first time since striking the reef, survival feels possible.

    The Long Fight for Survival

    This night becomes the turning point before refuge, the moment when the fate of an expedition hangs in precarious balance.

    The struggle that follows will extend across sixty-four days and will determine the fate not only of the ship, but of the treasured knowledge she carries.

    The days ahead will bring repairs along the banks of the Endeavour River, encounters with new lands and new peoples, the discovery of remarkable creatures, and a final escape through the twisting maze of coral that surrounds them.

    The Endeavour Lives to Sail On

    All of it will unfold because of the unyielding effort and improbable fortune of that single night. And the Endeavour, saved by Cook’s judgment and the disciplined crew’s unbroken courage, lives to sail on toward a future that none aboard can yet imagine.

     

  24. 11 June 1770, 00:01

    On the Edge of Erasure: The Endeavour’s Ordeal on the Great Barrier Reef

    Cook’s Journal (Wharton):

    “Wind at East-South-East, with which we steer’d along shore North by West at the distance of 3 or 4 leagues off, having from 14 to 10 and 12 fathoms water. Saw two small islands in the offing, which lay in the latitude of 16 degrees 0 minutes South, and about 6 or 7 leagues from the Main. At 6 the northermost land in sight bore North by West 1/2 West, and two low, woody islands (Hope Islands), which some took to be rocks above water, bore North 1/2 West.

    At this time we shortened sail and hauld off shore East-North-East and North-East by East, close upon a wind. My intention was to stretch off all night, as well to avoid the danger we saw ahead as to see if any islands lay in the offing, especially as we now began to draw near the latitude of those discover’d by Quiros, which some geographers, for what reason I know not, have thought proper to tack to this land.

    Having the advantage of a fine breeze of wind and a clear moonlight night, we stood off from 6 until near 9 o’clock, deepening our water from 14 to 21 fathoms, when all at once we fell into 12, 10, and 8 fathoms. At this time I had everybody at their stations to put about and come to an anchor; but in this I was not so fortunate, for meeting again with deep water, I thought there could be no danger in standing on. (The ship passed just northward of Pickersgill Reef.)

    Before 10 o’clock we had 20 and 21 fathoms, and continued in that depth until a few minutes before 11, when we had 17, and before the man at the lead could heave another cast, the ship struck and stuck fast. Immediately upon this we took in all our sails, hoisted out the boats, and sounded round the ship, and found that we had got upon the South-East edge of a reef of coral rocks, having in some places round the ship 3 and 4 fathoms water, and in other places not quite as many feet; and about a ship’s length from us on the starboard side (the ship laying with her head to the North-East) were 8, 10, and 12 fathoms.

    As soon as the longboat was out we struck yards and topmast, and carried out the stream anchor on our starboard bow, got the coasting anchor and cable into the boat, and were going to carry it out in the same way; but upon my sounding the second time round the ship I found the most water astern, and therefore had this anchor carried out upon the starboard quarter, and hove upon it a very great strain; which was to no purpose, the ship being quite fast.

    Upon this we went to work to lighten her as fast as possible, which seemed to be the only means we had left to get her off. As we went ashore about the top of high water we not only started water, but threw overboard our guns, iron and stone ballast, casks, hoop staves, oil jars, decayed stores, etc.; many of these last articles lay in the way at coming at heavier. All this time the ship made little or no water.

    At 11 a.m., being high water as we thought, we tried to heave her off without success, she not being afloat by a foot or more, notwithstanding by this time we had thrown overboard 40 or 50 tons weight. As this was not found sufficient, we continued to lighten her by every method we could think of. As the tide fell the ship began to make water as much as two pumps could free.

    At noon she lay with 3 or 4 streaks heel to starboard; latitude observed 15 degrees 45 minutes South.”

    Cook’s Journal (Hawkesworth), June 11, 1770:

    “… but a few minutes before eleven, the water shallowed at once from twenty to seventeen fathom, and before the lead could be cast again, the ship struck, and remained immoveable, except by the heaving of the surge, that beat her against the craggs of the rock upon which me lay. In a few moments every body was upon the deck, with countenances which sufficiently expressed the horrors of our situation.

    We had stood off the shore three hours and a half, with a pleasant breeze, and therefore knew that we could not be very near it, and we had too much reason to conclude that we were upon a rock of coral, which is more fatal than any other, because the points of it are sharp, and every part of the surface so rough as to grind away whatever is rubbed against it, even with the gentlest motion. In this situation all the sails were immediately taken in, and the boats hoisted out to examine the depth of water round the ship: we soon discovered that our fears had not aggravated our misfortune, and that the vessel had been lifted over a ledge of the rock, and lay in a hollow within it: in some places there was from three to four fathom, and in others not so many feet. The ship lay with her head to the N. E.; and at the distance of about thirty yards on the starboard side, the water deepened to eight, ten, and twelve fathom.

    As soon as the long-boat was out, we struck our yards and top-masts, and carried out the stream anchor on the starboard bow, got the coasting anchor and cable into the boat, and were going to carry it out the same way; but upon sounding a second time round the ship, the water was found to be deepest astern: the anchor therefore was carried out from the starboard quarter instead of the starboard bow, that is, from the stern instead of the head, and having taken ground, our utmost force was applied to the capstern, hoping that if the anchor did not come home, the ship would be got off, but to our great misfortune and disappointment we could not move her: during all this time she continued to beat with great violence against the rock, so that it was with the utmost difficulty that we kept upon our legs; and to complete the scene of distress,. we saw by the light of the moon the sheathing boards from the bottom of the vessel floating away all round her, and at last her false keel, so that every moment was making way for the sea to rush in which was to swallow us up.

    We had now no chance but to lighten her, and we had lost the opportunity of doing that to the greatest advantage, for unhappily we went on shore just at high water, and by this time it had considerably fallen, so that after the should be lightened so as to draw as much less water as the water had sunk, we should be but in the same situation as at first; and the only alleviation of this circumstance was, that as the tide ebbed the ship settled to the rocks, and was not beaten against them with so much violence.

    We had indeed some hope from the next tide, but it was doubtful whether the would hold together so long, especially as the rock kept grating her bottom under the starboard bow with such force as to be heard in the fore store-room. This however was no time to indulge conjecture, nor was any effort remitted in despair of success: that no time might be lost, the water was immediately started in the hold, and pumped up; six of our guns, being all we had upon the deck, our iron and stone ballast, casks, hoop staves, oil jars, decayed stores, and many other things that lay in the way of heavier materials, were thrown over-board with the utmost expedition, every one exerting himself with an alacrity almost approaching to cheerfulness, without the least repining or discontent; yet the men were so far imprest with a sense of their situation, that not an oath was heard among them, the habit of profaneness, however strong, being instantly subdued, by the dread of incurring guilt when death seemed to be so near.”

    Banks’s Journal, June 10 1770:

    “Just without us as we lay at an anchor was a small sandy Island laying upon a large Coral shoal, much resembling the low Islands to the eastward of us but the first of the kind we had met with in this part of the South Sea. Early in the morn we weighd and saild as usual with a fine breeze along shore, the Countrey hilly and stoney.

    At night fall rocks and sholes were seen ahead, on which the ship was put upon a wind off shore. While we were at supper she went over a bank of 7 or 8 fathom water which she came upon very suddenly; this we concluded to be the tail of the Sholes we had seen at sunset and therefore went to bed in perfect security, but scarce were we warm in our beds when we were calld up with the alarming news of the ship being fast ashore upon a rock, which she in a few moments convincd us of by beating very violently against the rocks.

    Our situation became now greatly alarming: we had stood off shore 3 hours and a half with a plesant breeze so knew we could not be very near it: we were little less than certain that we were upon sunken coral rocks, the most dreadfull of all others on account of their sharp points and grinding quality which cut through a ships bottom almost immediately. The officers however behavd with inimitable coolness void of all hurry and confusion; a boat was got out in which the master went and after sounding round the ship found that she had ran over a rock and consequently had Shole water all round her.

    All this time she continued to beat very much so that we could hardly keep our legs upon the Quarter deck; by the light of the moon we could see her sheathing boards etc. floating thick round her; about 12 her false keel came away.”

    ______

    Approximate Location: click to enlarge map or open in Google Maps.

     

  25. 12 June 1770

    The Endeavour Under Assault

    Cook’s Journal (Wharton):

    “Fortunately we had little wind, fine weather, and a smooth sea all this 24 hours, which in the P.M. gave us an opportunity to carry out the two bower anchors — one on the starboard quarter, and the other right astern. We got blocks and tackles upon the cables, brought the falls in abaft, and hove taut. By this time it was 5 o’clock p.m.; the tide we observed now begun to rise, and the leak increased upon us, which obliged us to set the third pump to work. We would have set the fourth also, but could not make it work.

    At 9 the ship righted, and the leak gained upon the pumps considerably. This was an alarming and, I may say, terrible circumstance, and threatened immediate destruction to us. However, I resolved to risk all and heave her off in case it was practical, and accordingly turned as many hands to the capstan and windlass as could be spared from the pumps; and about 20 minutes past 10 o’clock the ship floated, and we hove her into deep water, having at this time 3 feet 9 inches water in the hold.

    This done, I sent the longboat to take up the stream anchor, got the anchor, but lost the cable among the rocks; after this, turned all hands to the pumps, the leak increasing upon us. A mistake soon after happened, which for the first time caused fear to approach upon every man in the ship.

    The man that attended the well took the depth of water above the ceiling; he, being relieved by another who did not know in what manner the former had sounded, took the depth of water from the outside plank — the difference being 16 or 18 inches — and made it appear that the leak had gained this upon the pumps in a short time.

    This mistake was no sooner cleared up than it acted upon every man like a charm; they redoubled their vigour, insomuch that before 8 o’clock in the morning they gained considerably upon the leak. (The circumstance related in this paragraph is from the Admiralty copy.)

    We now hove up the best bower, but found it impossible to save the small bower, so cut it away at a whole cable. Got up the fore topmast and foreyard, warped the ship to the South-East, and at 11 got under sail, and stood in for the land with a light breeze at East-South-East. Some hands were employed sewing oakum, wool, etc., into a lower steering sail to fother the ship; others were employed at the pumps, which still gained upon the leak.”

    Cook’s Journal (Hawkesworth), June 12, 1770:

    “While we were thus employed, day broke upon us, and we saw the land at about eight leagues distance, without any island in the intermediate space, upon which, if the ship should have gone to pieces, we might have been set ashore by the boats, and from which they might have taken us by different turns to the main: the wind however gradually died away, and early in the forenoon it was a dead calm; if it had blown hard, the ship must inevitably have been destroyed. At eleven in the forenoon we expected high water, and anchors were got out, and every thing made ready for another effort to heave her off if the should float, but to our inexpressible surprize and concern the did not float by a foot and a half, though we had lightened her near fifty ton, so much did the day-tide fall short of that in the night.

    We now proceeded to lighten her still more, and threw overboard every thing that it was possible for us to spare: hitherto the had not admitted much water, but as the tide fell, it rushed in so fast, that two pumps, incessantly worked, could scarcely keep her free. At two o’clock, she lay heeling two or three streaks to starboard, and the pinnace, which lay under her bows, touched the ground: we had now no hope but from the tide at midnight, and to prepare for it we carried out our two bower anchors, one on the starboard quarter, and the other right a-stern, got the blocks and tackle which were to give us a purchase upon the cables in order, and brought the falls, or ends of them, in abaft, straining them tight, that the next effort might operate upon the ship, and by shortening the length of the cable between that and the anchors, draw her off the ledge upon which the rested, towards the deep water.

    About five o’clock in the afternoon, we observed the tide begin to rife, but we observed at the same time that the leak increased to a most alarming degree, so that two more pumps were manned, but unhappily only one of them would work: three of the pumps however were kept going, and at nine o’clock the ship righted, but the leak had gained upon us so considerably, that it was imagined the must go to the bottom as soon as she ceased to be supported by the rock: this was a dreadful circumstance, so that we anticipated the floating of the ship not as an earned of deliverance, but as an event that would probably precipitate our destruction.

    We well knew that our boats were not capable of carrying us all on shore, and that when the dreadful crisis should arrive, as all command and subordination would be at an end, a contest for preference would probably ensue, that would increase the horrors even of shipwreck, and terminate in the destruction of us all by the hands of each other; yet we knew that if any should be left on board to perish in the waves, they would probably suffer less upon the whole than those who should get on shore, without any lasting or effectual defence against the natives, in a country, where even nets and fire-arms would scarcely furnish them with food; and where, if they should find the means of subsistence, they must be condemned to languish out the remainder of life in a desolate wilderness, without the possession, or even hope, of any domestic comfort, and cut off from all commerce with mankind, except the naked savages who prowled the desert, and who perhaps were some of the most rude and uncivilized upon the earth.

    To those only who have waited in a slate of such suspense, death has approached in all his terrors; and as the dreadful moment that was to determine our fate came on, every one saw his own sensations pictured in the countenances of his companions: however, the capstan and windlace were manned with as many hands as could be spared from the pumps, and the ship floating about twenty minutes after ten o’clock, the effort was made, and she was heaved into deep water. It was some comfort to find that she did not now admit more water than she had done upon the rock; and though, by the gaining of the leak upon the pumps, there was no less than three feet nine inches water in the hold, yet the men did not relinquish their labour, and we held the water as it were at bay; but having now endured excessive fatigue of body and agitation of mind for more than four and twenty hours, and having but little hope of succeeding at last, they began to flag: none of them could work at the pump more than five or six minutes together, and then, being totally exhausted, they threw themselves down upon the deck, though a stream of water was running over it from the pumps between three and four inches deep; when those who succeeded them had worked their spell, and were exhausted in their turn, they threw themselves down in the same manner, and the others started up again, and renewed their labour; thus relieving each other till an accident was very near putting an end to their efforts at once.

    The planking which lines the inside of the ship’s bottom is called the cieling, and between this, and the outside planking, there is a space of about eighteen inches: the man who till this time had attended the well to take the depth of water, had taken it only to the cieling, and gave the measure accordingly; but he being now relieved, the person who came in his stead, reckoned the depth to the outside planking, by which it appeared in a few minutes to have gained upon the pumps eighteen inches, the difference between the planking without and within. Upon this, even the bravest was upon the point of giving up his labour with his hope, and in a few minutes every thing would have been involved in all the confusion of despair. But this accident, however dreadful in its first consequences, was eventually the cause of our preservation: the mistake was soon detected, and the sudden joy which every man felt upon finding his situation better than his fears had suggested, operated like a charm, and seemed to possess him with a strong belief that scarcely any real danger remained.

    New confidence and new hope, however founded, inspired new vigour; and though our state was the same as when the men first began to slacken in their labour, through weariness and despondency, they now renewed their efforts with such alacrity and spirit, that before eight o’clock in the morning the leak was so far from having gained upon the pumps, that the pumps had gained considerably upon the leak. Every body now talked of getting the ship into some harbour, as a thing not to be doubted, and as hands could be spared from the pumps, they were employed in. getting up the anchors: the stream anchor and best bower we had taken on board; but it was found impossible to save the little bower, and therefore it was cut away at a whole cable: we lost also the cable of the stream anchor among the rocks; but in our situation these were trifles which scarcely attracted our notice. Our next business was to get up the fore-topmast and fore-yard, and warp the ship to the southeast, and at eleven, having now a breeze from the sea, we once more got under sail and stood for the land.

    It was however impossible long to continue the labour by which the pumps had been made to gain upon the leak, and as the exact situation of it could not be discovered, we had no hope of stopping it within. In this situation, Mr. Monkhouse, one of my midshipmen, came to me and proposed an expedient that he had once seen used on board a merchant ship, which sprung a leak that admitted above four feet water an hour, and which by this expedient was brought safely from Virginia to London; the mailer having such confidence in it, that he took her out of harbour, knowing her condition, and did not think it worth while to wait till the leak could be otherwise stopped.

    To this man, therefore, the care of the expedient, which is called fothering the ship, was immediately committed, four or five of the people being appointed to assist him, and he performed it in this manner: He took a lower studding sail, and having mixed together a large quantity of oakham and wool, chopped pretty small, he stitched it down in handfuls upon the sail, as lightly as possible, and over this he spread the dung of our sheep and other filth; but horse dung, if we had had it, would have been better. When the sail was thus prepared, it was hauled under the ship’s bottom by ropes, which kept it extended, and when it came under the leak, the suction which carried in the water, carried in with it the oakham and wool from the surface of the sail, which in other parts the water was not sufficiently agitated to wash off.

    By the success of this expedient our leak was so far reduced, that instead of gaining upon three pumps, it was easily kept under with one. This was a new source of confidence and comfort; the people could scarcely have expressed more joy if they had been already in port; and their views were so far from being limited to running the ship ashore in some harbour, either of an island or the main, and building a vessel out of her materials, to carry us to the East Indies, which had so lately been the utmost object of our hope, that nothing was now thought of but ranging along the shore in search of a convenient place to repair the damage she had sustained, and then prosecuting the voyage upon the same plan as if nothing had happened.

    Upon this occasion I must observe, both in justice and gratitude to the ship’s company, and the Gentlemen on board, that although in the midst: of our distress every one seemed to have a just sense of his danger, yet no passionate exclamations, or frantic gestures, were to be heard or seen; every one appeared to have the perfect possession of his mind, and every one exerted himself to the uttermost, with a quiet and patient perseverance, equally distant from the tumultuous violence of terror, and the gloomy inactivity of despair.

    In the mean time, having light airs at E.S.E. we get up the main-topmast, and main-yard, and kept edging in for the land, till about six o’clock in the evening, when we came to an anchor in seventeen fathom water, at the distance of seven leagues from the shore, and one from the ledge of rocks upon which we had struck.

    This ledge or shoal lies in latitude 15° 45′ S. and between six and seven leagues from the main. It is not however the only shoal on this part of the coast, especially to the northward; and at this time we saw one to the southward, the tail of which we passed over, when we had uneven sounding about two hours before we struck. A part of this shoal is always above water, and has the appearance of white sand: a part also of that upon which we had lain is dry at low water, and in that place consists of sand stones; but all the rest of it is a coral rock.”

    Banks’s Journal, June 12, 1770:

    “The people who had been 24 hours at exceeding hard work now began to flag; myself unusd to labour was much fatigued and had laid down to take a little rest, was awakd about 12 with the alarming news of the ship shaving gaind so much upon the Pumps that she had four feet water in her hold: add to this that the wind blew of the land a regular land breeze so that all hopes of running her ashore were totaly cut off. This however acted upon everybody like a charm: rest was no more thought of but the pumps went with unwearied vigour till the water was all out which was done in a much shorter time than was expected, and upon examination it was found that she never had half so much water in her as was thought, the Carpenter having made a mistake in sounding the pumps.

    We now began again to have some hopes and to talk of getting the ship into some harbour as we could spare hands from the pumps to get up our anchors; one Bower however we cut away but got the other and three small anchors far more valuable to us than the Bowers, as we were obligd immediately to warp her to windward that we might take advantage of the sea breeze to run in shore.

    One of our midshipmen now proposd an expedient which no one else in the ship had seen practisd, tho all had heard of it by the name of fothering a ship, by the means of which he said he had come home from America in a ship which made more water than we did; nay so sure was the master of that ship of his expedient that he took her out of harbour knowing how much water she made and trusting intirely to it.

    He was immediately set to work with 4 or 5 assistants to prepare his fother which he did thus. He took a lower studding sail and having mixd together a large quantity of Oakum chopd fine and wool he stickd it down upon the sail as loosely as possible in small bundles each about as big as his fist, these were rangd in rows 3 or4 inches from each other: this was to be sunk under the ship and the theory of it was this, where ever the leak was must be a great suction which would probably catch hold of one or other of these lumps of Oakum and wool and drawing it in either partly or intirely stop up the hole.

    While this work was going on the water rather gaind on those who were pumping which made all hands impatient for the tryal. In the afternoon the ship was got underway with a gentle breeze of wind and stood in for the land; soon after the fother was finishd and applyd by fastning ropes to each Corner, then sinking the sail under the ship and with these ropes drawing it as far backwards as we could; in about ½ an hour to our great surprize the ship was pumpd dry and upon letting the pumps stand she was found to make very little water, so much beyond our most sanguine Expectations had this singular expedient succeeded. At night came to an anchor, the fother still keeping her almost clear so that we were in an instant raisd from almost despondency to the greatest hopes: we were now almost too sanguine talking of nothing but getting her into some harbour where we might layher ashore and repair her, or if we could not find such a place we little doubted to the East indies.

    During the whole time of this distress I must say for the credit of our people that I beleive every man exerted his utmost for the preservation of the ship, contrary to what I have universaly heard to be the behavior of seamen who have commonly as soon as a ship is in a desperate situation began to plunder and refuse all command. This was no doubt owing intirely to the cool and steady conduct of the officers, who during the whole time never gave an order which did not shew them to be perfectly composd and unmovd by the circumstances howsoever dreadfull they might appear.”

    Approximate Location: click to enlarge map or open in Google Maps.

     

  26. 22 June 1770

    Repairs at the Endeavour River

    Repairs to the Endeavour were carried out at the site of present-day Cooktown, Queensland. While the crew worked on the ship, Banks and Solander used the time to gather and document hundreds of new plant specimens, greatly enriching the voyage’s scientific record.

    Cook’s Journal (Wharton):

    “Winds at South-East, fair weather. At 4 p.m., having got out most of the coals, cast loose the ship’s moorings, and warped her a little higher up the harbour to a place I had pitched upon to lay her ashore to stop the leak; draught of water forward 7 feet 9 inches and abaft 13 feet 6 inches.

    At 8, being high water, hauled her bow close ashore, but kept her stern afloat, because I was afraid of neaping her (i.e., having her so far on shore that they could not heave her off at neap tide), and yet it was necessary to lay the whole of her as near the ground as possible. (The town of Cooktown now stands where the Endeavour was beached, and the exact spot is marked by a monument.)

    At 2 a.m. the tide left her, which gave us an opportunity to examine the leak, which we found to be at her floor heads, a little before the starboard fore chains. Here the rocks had made their way through four planks, quite to, and even into, the timbers, and wounded three more. The manner these planks were damaged—or cut out, as I may say—is hardly credible; scarce a splinter was to be seen, but the whole was cut away as if it had been done by the hands of man with a blunt-edged tool.

    Fortunately for us the timbers in this place were very close; otherwise it would have been impossible to have saved the ship, and even as it was it appeared very extraordinary that she made no more water than she did. A large piece of coral rock was sticking in one hole, and several pieces of the fothering, small stones, etc., had made their way in and lodged between the timbers, which had stopped the water from forcing its way in in great quantities.

    Part of the sheathing was gone from under the larboard bow, part of the false keel was gone, and the remainder in such a shattered condition that we should be much better off if it was gone also. Her forefoot and some part of her main keel were also damaged, but not materially. What damage she may have received abaft we could not see, but believe not much, as the ship makes but little water while the tide keeps below the leak forward.

    At 9 the carpenters went to work upon the ship, while the armourers were busy making bolts, nails, etc.”

    Cook’s Journal (Hawkesworth), June 21, 1770:

    “The next morning we went early to work, and by four o’clock in the afternoon had got out all the coals, cast the moorings loose, and warped the ship a little higher up the harbour to a place which I thought most convenient for laying her ashore in order to stop the leak. Her draught of water forward was now seven feet nine inches, and abast thirteen feet six inches. At eight o’clock, it being high-water, I hauled her bow close ashore; but kept her stern afloat, because I was afraid of neiping her; it was however necessary to lay the whole of her as near the ground as possible.

    Banks’s Journal, June 21, 1770:

    “Fine clear weather: began today to lay Plants in sand. By night the shipwas quite clear and in the nights tide (which we had constantly observd to be much higher than the days) we hauld her ashore.”

    Approximate Location: click to enlarge map or open in Google Maps.

     

  27. 23 June 1770

    Encounters with Unknown Animals

    Cook’s Journal (Wharton):

    “Winds South-Easterly, a fresh gale and fair weather. Carpenters employed shifting the damaged planks as long as the tide would permit them to work. At low water P.M. we examined the ship’s bottom under the starboard side, she being dry as far aft as the after-part of the fore chains; we could not find that she had received any other damage on this side but what has been mentioned.

    In the morning I sent three men into the country to shoot pigeons, as some of these birds had been seen flying about; in the evening they returned with about half a dozen. One of the men saw an animal something less than a greyhound; it was of a mouse colour, very slender made, and swift of foot. (Kangaroo.)

    A.M., I sent a boat to haul the seine, who returned at noon, having made three hauls and caught only three fish; and yet we see them in plenty jumping about the harbour, but can find no method of catching them.”

    Cook’s Journal (Hawkesworth), June 22, 1770:

    “At two o’clock in the morning of the 22d, the tide left her, and gave us an opportunity to examine the leak, which we found to be at her floor heads, a little before the starboard fore-chains. In this place the rocks had made their way through four planks, and even into the timbers; three more planks were much damaged, and the appearance of these breaches was very extraordinary: there was not a splinter to be seen, but all was as smooth, as if the whole had been cut away by an instrument: the timbers in this place were happily very close, and if they had not, it would have been absolutely impossible to have saved the ship.

    But after all, her preservation depended upon a circumstance still more remarkable: in one of the holes, which was big enough to have sunk us, if we had had eight pumps instead of four, and been able to keep them incessantly going, was in great measure plugged up by a fragment of the rock, which, after having made the wound, was left sticking in it; so that the water which at first had gained upon our pumps, was what came in at the interstices, between the stone and the edges of the hole that received it. We found also several pieces of the fothering, which had made their way between the timbers, and in a great measure stopped those parts of the leak which the stone had left open.

    Upon further examination, we found that, besides the leak, considerable damage had been done to the bottom; great part of the sheathing was gone from under the larboard bow; a considerable. part of the false keel was also wanting, and these indeed we had seen swim away in fragments from the vessel, while she lay beating against the rock: the remainder of it was in so shattered a condition that it had better have been gone, and the fore foot and main keel were also damaged, but not so as to produce any immediate danger: what damage she might have received abaft could not yet be exactly known, but we had reason to think it was not much, as but little water made its way into her bottom, while the tide kept below the leak which has already been described.

    By nine o’clock in the morning the carpenters got to work upon her, while the smiths were busy in making bolts and nails. In the mean time, some of the people were sent on the other side of the water to shoot pigeons for the sick, who at their return reported that they had seen an animal as large as a greyhound, of a slender make, a mouse colour, and extremely swift; they discovered also many Indian houses, and a fine stream of fresh water.”

    Banks’s Journal, June 22, 1770:

    “In the morn I saw her leak which was very large: in the middle was a hole large enough to have sunk a ship with twice our pumps but here providence had most visibly workd in our favour, for it was in great measure pluggd up by a stone which was as big as a mans fist: round the Edges of this stone had all the water come in which had so near overcome us, and here we found the wool and oakum or fothering which had releivd us in so unexpected a manner. The effects of the Coral rock upon her bottom is dificult to describe but more to beleive; it had cut through her plank and deep into one of her timbers, smoothing the gashes still before it so that the whole might easily be imagind to be cut with an axe. Myself employd all day in laying in Plants. The People who were sent to the other side of the water in order to shoot Pigeons saw an animal as large as a grey hound, of a mouse coulour and very swift; they also saw many Indian houses and a brook of fresh water.”

    Cook’s Journal (Hawkesworth), June 23, 1770:

    “The next morning, I sent a boat to haul the seine; but at noon it returned with only three fish, and yet we saw them in plenty leaping about the harbour. This day the carpenter finished the repairs that were necessary on the starboard side; and at nine o’clock in the evening, we heeled the ship the other way, and hauled her off about two feet for fear of neiping. This day almost every body had seen the animal which the pigeon-shooters had brought an account of the day before; and one of the seamen, who had been rambling in the woods, told us at his return, that he verily believed he had seen the devil: we naturally enquired in what form he had appeared, and his answer was in so singular a stile that I shall set down his own words; “He was, says John, as large as a one gallon keg, and very like it; he had horns and wings, yet he crept so slowly through the grass, that if I had not been afeard I might have touched him.” This formidable apparition we afterwards discovered to have been a batt; and the batts here must be acknowledged to have a frightful appearance, for they are nearly black, and full as large as a partridge; they have indeed no horns, but the fancy of a man who thought he saw the devil might easily supply that defect.”

    Banks’s Journal, July 7, 1770:

    “We walkd many miles over the flats and saw 4 of the animals, 2 of which my greyhound fairly chas’d, but they beat him owing to the lengh and thickness of the grass which prevented him from running while they at every bound leapd over the tops of it. We observd much to our surprize that instead of Going upon all fours this animal went only upon two legs, making vast bounds just as the Jerbua (Mus Jaculus) does…”

    Cook’s Journal (Hawkesworth), July 8, 1770:

    “…In the course of the day, Tupia saw an animal, which, by his description, Mr. Banks judged to be a wolf: they also saw three other animals, but could neither catch nor kill one of them, and a kind of bat, as large as a partridge, but this also eluded all their diligence and skill…”

    Approximate Location: click to enlarge map or open in Google Maps.

     

  28. 8 July 1770

    First Friendly Contact with the Natives

    Cook’s Journal (Wharton):

    “Winds and weather the same as yesterday. Employed hoisting on board and stowing away the ground tier of water. In the afternoon, seven or eight natives were seen on the south side of the river, and two of them came down to the sandy point opposite the ship; but as soon as I put off in a boat to speak with them, they ran away as fast as they could.

    At eleven, Mr. Banks returned in his small boat from sea with Mr. Molineux, the master, and brought poor news of the turtle catchers, who had caught none and were unlikely to do so; yet the master was obstinate and refused to return, which obliged me to send Mr. Gore in the yawl this morning to order them in unless they could be employed to advantage.

    In the morning, four natives came down to the sandy point on the north side of the harbour, bringing a small wooden canoe with outriggers and appearing to strike fish. Two of them came close enough to the ship to take what we threw to them, then brought the others over and came alongside again, accepting more trifles. Soon after, they landed close to the ship, laying down their arms at Tupia’s persuasion, and sat with him. We gave them presents and stayed until dinner, when we signaled for them to come eat with us, which they declined. They were small, slender men, about five and a half feet tall, their skin the colour of wood soot, hair black and cropped short. Some had red paint upon their bodies, and one had white streaks across his lip and breast, which he called “Carbanda.” Their voices were soft and musical, and though they easily repeated our words, neither we nor Tupia could understand their language.”

    Cook’s Journal (Hawkesworth), July 10, 1770:

    “As the Master continued absent with the boat all night, I was forced to send the Second Lieutenant for him, early the next morning in the yawl; and soon after four of the natives appeared upon the sandy point, on the north side of the river, having with them a small wooden canoe, with out riggers: they seemed for some time to be busily employed in striking fish: some of our people were for going over to them in a boat, but this I would by no means permit, repeated experience having convinced me that it was more likely to prevent, than procure an interview.

    I was determined to try what could be done by a contrary method, and accordingly let them alone, without appearing to take the least notice of them: this succeeded so well, that at length two of them came in the canoe within a musket shot of the ship, and there talked a great deal in a very loud tone: we understood nothing that they said, and therefore could answer their harangue only by shouting, and making all the signs of invitation and kindness that we could devise.

    During this conference, they came, insensibly, nearer and nearer, holding up their lances, not in a threatening manner, but as if to intimate that if we offered them any injury, they had weapons to revenge it. When they were almost along-side of us, we threw them some cloth, nails, bead, paper, and other trifles, which they received without the least appearance of satisfaction: at last, one of the people happened to throw them a small fish; at this they expressed the greatest joy imaginable, and intimating, by signs, that they would fetch their companions, immediately paddled away towards the shore. In the mean time some of our people, and among them Tupia, landed on the opposite side of the river: the canoe, with all the four Indians, very soon returned to the ship, and came quite along-side, without expressing any fear or distrust.

    We distributed some more presents among them, and soon after they left us, and landed on the same side of the river where our people had gone ashore: every man carried in his hand two lances, and a stick, which is used in throwing them, and advanced to the place where Tupia and the rest of our people were sitting; Tupia soon prevailed upon them to lay down their arms, and come forward without them: he then made signs that they should fit down by him, with which they complied, and seemed to be under no apprehension or constraint: several more of us then going ashore, they expressed some jealousy left we should get between them and their arms; we took care however to shew them that we had no such intention, and having joined them, we made them some more presents, as a farther testimony of our good-will, and our desire to obtain theirs.

    We continued together, with the utmost cordiality, till dinner time, and then giving them to understand that we were going to eat, we invited them, by signs, to go with us: this however they declined, and as soon as we left them, they went away in their canoe. One of these men was somewhat above the middle age, the other three were young; they were in general of the common stature, but their limbs were remarkably small; their skin was of the colour of wood soot, or what would be called a dark chocolate colour; their hair was black, but not woolly; it was short cropped, in some lank, and in others curled.

    Dampier says, that the people whom he saw on the western coast of this country, wanted two of their fore-teeth, but these had no such defect: some part of their bodies had been painted red, and the upper lip and breast of one of them was painted with streaks of white, which he called Carbanda; their features were far from disagreeable, their eyes were lively, and their teeth even and white, their voices were soft and tuneable, and they repeated many words after us with great facility. In the night, Mr. Gore and the Master returned with the long-boat, and brought one turtle and a few shell-fish. The yawl had been left upon the shoal with six men, to make a farther trial for turtle.”

    Banks’s Journal, July 10, 1770:

    “Four Indians appeard on the opposite shore; they had with them a Canoe made of wood with an outrigger in which two of them embarkd and came towards the ship but stop’d at the distance of a long Musquet shot, talking much and very loud to us. We hollowd to them and waving made them all the signs we could to come nearer; by degrees they venturd almost insensibly nearer and nearer till they were quite along side, often holding up their Lances as if to shew us that if we usd them ill they had weapon sand would return our attack.

    Cloth, Nails, Paper, etc. etc. was given to them all which they took and put into the canoe without shewing the least signs of satisfaction: at last a small fish was by accident thrown to them on which they expressd the greatest joy imaginable, and instantly putting off from the ship made signs that they would bring over their comrades, which they very soon did and all four landed near us, each carrying in his hand 2Lances and his stick to throw them with.

    Tupia went towards [them]; they stood all in a row in the attitude of throwing their Lances; he made signs that they should lay them down and come forward without them; this they immediately did and sat down with him upon the ground. We then came up to them and made them presents of Beads, Cloth etc. which they took and soon became very easy, only Jealous if any one attempted to go between them and their arms. At dinner time we made signs to them to come with us and eat but they refusd; we left them and they going into their Canoe padled back to where they came from.”

     

    Approximate Location: click to enlarge map or open in Google Maps.

     

  29. 24 July 1770

    Mr. Banks’s and Mr. Solander’s Continuing Scientific Discoveries

    Cook’s Journal (Hawkesworth), July 24, 1770:

    “The blowing weather, which prevented our attempt to get out to sea, still continuing, Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander went again out on the 24th to see whether any new plant could be picked up: they traversed the woods all day without success; but as they were returning through a deep valley, the sides of which, though almost as perpendicular as a wall, were covered with trees and bushes; they found lying upon the ground several marking nuts, the Anacardium orientale; these put them upon a new scent, and they made a most diligent search after the tree that bore them, which perhaps no European botanist ever saw; but to their great mortification they could not find it: so that, after spending much time, and cutting down four or five trees, they returned quite exhausted with fatigue to the ship.

    Banks’s Journal, July 24, 1770:

    “The blowing weather which had hinderd us from getting out several days still lasted, not at all to our satisfaction who had no one wish to remain longer in the place, which we had pretty well exhausted even of its natural history. The Dr and me were obligd to go very far for any thing new; today we went several miles to a high hill where after sweating and broiling among the woods till night we were obligd to return almost empty. But the most vexatious accident imaginable befel us likewise: traveling in a deep vally, the sides of which were steep almost as a wall but coverd with tree sand plenty of Brush wood, we found marking nuts (anacardium orientale)laying on the ground, and desirous as we were to find the tree on which they had grown, a thing that I beleive no European Botanist has seen, we were not with all our pains able to find it; so after cutting down 4 or 5 tree sand spending much time were obligd to give over our hopes.

    Cook’s Journal (Hawkesworth), July 26, 1770:

    “As Mr. Banks was again gleaning the country for his Natural History on the 26th, he had the good fortune to take an animal of the Opossum tribe: it was a female, and with it he took two young ones: it was found much to resemble the remarkable animal of the kind, which Mons. de Buffon has described in his Natural History by the name of Phalanger, but it was not the same. Mons. Buffon supposes this tribe to be peculiar to America, but in this he is certainly mistaken; and probably, as Pallas has observed in his Zoology, the Phalanger itself is a native of the East Indies, as the animal, which was caught by Mr. Banks resembled it in the extraordinary conformation of the feet, in which it differs from animals of every other tribe.”

    Approximate Location: click to enlarge map or open in Google Maps.

     

  30. 4 August 1770

    Completion of Repairs and Departure from the Endeavour River

    Cook’s Journal (Wharton):

    “Saturday, 4th. In the P.M., having pretty moderate weather, I order’d the Coasting Anchor and Cable to be laid without the barr, to be ready to warp out by, that we might not loose the least opportunity that might Offer; for laying in Port spends time to no purpose, consumes our Provisions, of which we are very Short in many Articles, and we have yet a long Passage to make to the East Indies through an unknown and perhaps dangerous Sea; these Circumstances consider’d, make me very Anxious of getting to Sea. The wind continued moderate all night, and at 5 a.m. it fell calm; this gave us an opportunity to warp out. About 7 we got under sail, having a light Air from the Land, which soon died away, and was Succeeded by the Sea breezes from South-East by South, with which we stood off to Sea East by North, having the Pinnace ahead sounding.

    The Yawl I sent to the Turtle bank to take up the Net that was left there; but as the wind freshen’d we got out before her, and a little After Noon Anchor’d in 15 fathoms water, Sandy bottom, for I did not think it safe to run in among the Shoals until I had well view’d them at low Water from the Mast head, that I might be better Able to Judge which way to Steer; for as yet I had not resolved whether I should beat back to the Southward round all the Shoals, or seek a Passage to the Eastward or Northward, all of which appeared to be equally difficult and dangerous.

    When at Anchor the Harbour sail’d from bore South 70 degrees West, distant 4 or 5 Leagues; the Northermost point of the Main land we have in sight, which I named Cape Bedford* (* Probably after John, 4th Duke, who had been First Lord of the Admiralty, 1744 to 1747.) (Latitude 15 degrees 17 minutes South, Longitude 214 degrees 45 minutes West), bore North 20 degrees West, distant 3 1/2 Leagues; but we could see land to the North-East of this Cape, which made like 2 high Islands;* (* Direction Islands.) the Turtle banks bore East, distant one Mile. Latitude by Observation 15 degrees 23 minutes South; our depth of Water, in standing off from the land, was from 3 1/2 to 15 fathoms.”

    Cook’s Journal (Hawkesworth), August 4, 1770:

    “…but at five o’clock in the morning of the 4th, our efforts had a better effect, and about seven, we got once more under sail, with a light air from the land, which soon died away, and was followed by the sea-breezes from S. E. by S. with which we stood off to sea E. by N. having the pinnace ahead, which was ordered to keep sounding continually. The yawl had been sent to the turtle bank, to take up the net which had been left there; but as the wind freshened, we got out before her. A little before noon we anchored in fifteen fathom water, with a sandy bottom; for I did not think it safe to run in among the shoals, till I had well viewed them, at low-water, from the mast-head, which might determine me which way to steer: for as yet I was in doubt whether I should beat back to the southward, round all the shoals, or seek a passage to the eastward or the north-ward, all which at present appeared to be equally difficult and dangerous.

    When we were at anchor the harbour from which we sailed bore S. 70 W. distant about five leagues; the northermost point of the main in sight, which I named Cape Bedford, and which lies in latitude 15° 16′ S., longitude 214° 45′ W. bore N. 20 W. distant three leagues and a half; but to the N. E. of this Cape we could see land which had the appearance of two high islands: the turtle banks bore east, distant one mile: our latitude by observation was 15° 32′ S. and our depth of water in standing off from the land was from three and an half to fifteen fathom.

    In the afternoon of the 4th, we had a gentle breeze at S.E. and clear weather, but as I did not intend to sail till the morning, 1 sent all the boats to the reef, to get what turtle and shell fish they could. At low water, 1 went up to the mast-head, and took a view of the shoals, which made a very threatening appearance: I could see several at a remote distance, and part of many of them was above water.

    The sea appeared most open to the north east of the turtle reef, and I came to a resolution to stretch out that way close upon a wind, because if we should find no passage, we could always return the way we went. In the evening, the boats brought in a turtle, a sting-ray, and as many large cockles as came to about a pound and a half a man, for in each of them there was not less than two pounds of meat: in the night also we caught several sharks, which, though not a dainty, were an acceptable increase of our fresh provision.”

    Banks’s Journal, Augst 4, 1770:

    “Fine calm morn. Began early and warp’d the ship out, after which we saild right out till we came to the turtle reef where our turtlers took one turtle. Myself got some few shells but saw many Beautifull sea insects etc. At night our people who fishd caught abundance of sharks.

     

    Approximate Location: click to enlarge map or open in Google Maps.

     

  31. 14 August 1770

    The Endeavour Clears the Great Barrier Reef

    Cook’s Journal (Wharton):

    “Tuesday, 14th. Winds at South-East, a steady gale. By 2 P.M. we got out to the outermost reefs, and just fetched to Windward of one of the openings I had discover’d from the Island; we tacked and Made a short trip to the South-West, while the Master went in the pinnace to examine the Channel, who soon made the signal for the Ship to follow, which we accordingly did, and in a short time got safe out.

    This Channel* (* Now known as Cook’s Passage.) lies North-East 1/2 North, 3 Leagues from Lizard Island; it is about one-third of a Mile broad, and 25 or 30 fathoms deep or more. The moment we were without the breakers we had no ground with 100 fathoms of Line, and found a large Sea rowling in from the South-East. By this I was well assured we were got with out all the Shoals, which gave us no small joy, after having been intangled among Islands and Shoals, more or less, ever since the 26th of May, in which time we have sail’d above 360 Leagues by the Lead without ever having a Leadsman out of the Chains, when the ship was under sail; a Circumstance that perhaps never hapned to any ship before, and yet it was here absolutely necessary.

    I should have been very happy to have had it in my power to have keept in with the land, in order to have explor’d the Coast to the Northern extremity of the Country, which I think we were not far off, for I firmly believe this land doth not join to New Guinea. But this I hope soon either to prove or disprove, and the reasons I have before assign’d will, I presume, be thought sufficient for my leaving the Coast at this time; not but what I intend to get in with it again as soon as I can do it with safety.

    The passage or channel we now came out by, which I have named, —-* (* Blank in MS.) lies in the Latitude of 14 degrees 32 minutes South; it may always be found and known by the 3 high Islands within it, which I have called the Islands of Direction, because by their means a safe passage may be found even by strangers in within the Main reef, and quite into the Main.

    Lizard Island, which is the Northermost and Largest of the 3, Affords snug Anchorage under the North-West side of it, fresh water and wood for fuel; and the low Islands and Reefs which lay between it and the Main, abound with Turtle and other fish, which may be caught at all Seasons of the Year (except in such blowing weather as we have lately had). All these things considered there is, perhaps, not a better place on the whole Coast for a Ship to refresh at than this Island.

    I had forgot to mention in its proper place, that not only on this Island, but on Eagle Island, and on several places of the Sea beach in and about Endeavour River, we found Bamboos, Cocoa Nutts, the seeds of some few other plants, and Pummice-stones, which were not the produce of the Country. From what we have seen of it, it is reasonable to suppose that they are the produce of some lands or Islands laying in the Neighbourhood, most likely to the Eastward, and are brought hither by the Easterly trade winds.

    The Islands discover’d by Quiros lies in this parrallel, but how far to the Eastward it’s hard to say; for altho’ we found in most Charts his discoveries placed as far to the West as this country yet from the account of his Voyage, compared with what we ourselves have seen, we are Morally certain that he never was upon any part of this Coast.* (* The Island of Espiritu Santo, in the New Hebrides, which Quiros discovered, lies 1200 miles to the eastward, and New Caledonia, from which these objects might equally have come, is 1000 miles in the same direction.)

    As soon as we had got without the Reefs we Shortened sail, and hoisted in the pinnace and Long boat, which last we had hung alongside, and then stretched off East-North-East, close upon a wind, as I did not care to stand to the Northward until we had a whole day before us, for which reason we keept making short boards all night.
    The large hollow sea we have now got into acquaints us with a Circumstance we did not before know, which is that the Ship hath received more Damage than we were aware of, or could perceive when in smooth Water; for now she makes as much water as one pump will free, kept constantly at work. However this was looked upon as trifling to the Danger we had lately made an Escape from.

    At day light in the morning Lizard Island bore South by West, distant 10 Leagues. We now made all the sail we could, and stood away North-North-West 1/2 West, but at 9 we steer’d North-West 1/2 North, having the advantage of a Fresh Gale at South-East; at Noon we were by observation in the Latitude of 13 degrees 46 minutes South, the Lizard Island bore South 15 degrees East, distant 58 Miles, but we had no land in sight.”

    Cook’s Journal (Hawkesworth), August 14, 1770:

    “In the morning, at day-break, Lizard Island bore S. 15 E. distant ten leagues; and we then made sail and flood away N.N.W. ½ W. till nine o’clock, when we stood N. W. ½ N. having the advantage of a fresh gale at S. E. At noon, our latitude by observation was 13° 46′ S. and at this time we had no land in sight. At six in the evening we shortened sail and brought the ship to, with her head to the N.E.

    Banks’s Journal, August 14, 1770:

    “For the first time these three months we were this day out of sight of Land to our no small satisfaction: that very Ocean which had formerly been look’d upon with terror by (maybe) all of us was now the Assylum we had long wishd for and at last found. Satisfaction was clearly painted in every mans face: the day was fine and the trade wind brisk before which we steerd to the Northward; the well grown waves which followd the ship, sure sign of no land being in our neighbourhood, were contemplated with the greatest satisfaction, notwithstanding we plainly felt the effect of the blows they gave to our crazy ship, increasing her leaks considerably so that she made now 9 inches water every hour. This however was lookd upon a sa light evil in comparison to those we had so lately made our escape from.

     

    Approximate Location: click to enlarge map or open in Google Maps.

     

  32. 22 August 1770

    Claiming the East Coast

    At Possession Island, near the northern tip of Cape York, Cook conducted a formal ceremony claiming the eastern coast of Australia for Britain. The act, however, was made without knowledge of the continent’s immense interior or its uncharted western shores.

     

    Cook’s Journal (Wharton):

    “Wednesday, 22nd. Gentle breezes at East by South and clear weather. We had not steer’d above 3 or 4 Miles along shore to the westward before we discover’d the land ahead to be Islands detached by several Channels from the main land; upon this we brought too to Wait for the Yawl, and called the other Boats on board, and after giving them proper instructions, sent them away again to lead us thro’ the Channell next the Main, and as soon as the Yawl was on board made sail after them with the Ship. Soon after we discover’d rocks and Shoals in this Channell, upon which I made the Signal for the boats to lead thro’ the next Channel to the Northward* (* This led to Endeavour Strait, but the recognised track is the channel farther north.) laying between the Islands, which they accordingly did, we following with the Ship, and had not less than 5 fathoms; and this in the narrowest part of the Channel, which was about a Mile and a 1/2 broad from Island to Island.

    At 4 o’Clock we Anchor’d about a Mile and a 1/2 or 2 Miles within the Entrance in 6 1/2 fathoms, clear ground, distance from the Islands on each side of us one Mile, the Main land extending away to the South-West; the farthest point of which we could see bore from us South 48 degrees West, and the Southermost point of the Islands, on the North-West side of the Passage, bore South 76 degrees West. Between these 2 points we could see no land, so that we were in great hopes that we had at last found out a Passage into the Indian seas; but in order to be better informed I landed with a party of men, accompanied by Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, upon the Islands which lies at the South-East point of the Passage. Before and after we Anchor’d we saw a Number of People upon this Island, Arm’d in the same manner as all the others we have seen, Except one man, who had a bow and a bundle of Arrows, the first we have seen upon this Coast. From the appearance of the people we expected they would have opposed our landing; but as we approached the shore they all made off, and left us in peaceable possession of as much of the Island as served our purpose.

    After landing I went upon the highest hill, which, however, was of no great height, yet no less than twice or thrice the height of the Ship’s Mastheads; but I could see from it no land between South-West and West-South-West, so that I did not doubt but there was a passage. I could see plainly that the lands laying to the North-West of this passage were compos’d of a number of Islands of Various extent, both for height and Circuit, ranged one behind another as far to the Northward and Westward as I could see, which could not be less than 12 or 14 Leagues.

    Having satisfied myself of the great Probability of a passage, thro’ which I intend going with the Ship, and therefore may land no more upon this Eastern coast of New Holland, and on the Western side I can make no new discovery, the honour of which belongs to the Dutch Navigators, but the Eastern Coast from the Latitude of 38 degrees South down to this place, I am confident, was never seen or Visited by any European before us; and notwithstanding I had in the Name of his Majesty taken possession of several places upon this Coast, I now once More hoisted English Colours, and in the Name of His Majesty King George the Third took possession of the whole Eastern coast from the above Latitude down to this place by the Name of New Wales,* (* The Admiralty copy, as well as that belonging to Her Majesty, calls it New South Wales. The island where the ceremony was performed was named on Cook’s chart Possession Island, and is still so called.) together with all the Bays, Harbours, Rivers, and Islands, situated upon the said Coast; after which we fired 3 Volleys of small Arms, which were answer’d by the like number from the Ship.

    This done, we set out for the Ship, but were some time in getting on board on account of a very Rapid Ebb Tide, which set North-East out of the Passage. Ever since we came in amongst the Shoals this last time we have found a Moderate Tide; the flood setting to the North-West and Ebb to the South-East; at this place is high water at full and change of the moon, about 1 or 2 o’Clock, and riseth and falleth upon a perpendicular about 10 or 12 feet. We saw upon all the Adjacent Lands and Islands a great number of smokes–a certain sign that they are inhabited–and we have daily seen smokes on every part of the Coast we have lately been upon. Between 7 and 8 o’Clock a.m. we saw several naked people, all or most of them Women, down upon the beach picking up Shells, etc.; they had not a single rag of any kind of Cloathing upon them, and both these and those we saw yesterday were in every respect the same sort of People we have seen everywhere upon the Coast. 2 or 3 of the Men we saw Yesterday had on pretty large breast plates, which we supposed were made of pearl Oyster Shells; this was a thing, as well as the Bow and Arrows, we had not seen before.

    At low water, which hapned about 10 o’Clock, we got under sail, and stood to the South-West, with a light breeze at East, which afterwards veer’d to North by East, having the Pinnace ahead; depth of Water from 6 to 10 fathoms, except in one place, were we passed over a Bank of 5 fathoms. At Noon Possession Island, at the South-East entrance of the Passage, bore North 53 degrees East, distant 4 Leagues; the Western extream of the Main land in sight South 43 degrees West, distant 4 or 5 Leagues, being all exceeding low. The South-West point of the largest Island* (* Prince of Wales Island.) on the North-West side of the passage bore North 71 degrees West, distant 8 Miles; this point I named Cape Cornwall (Latitude 10 degrees 43 minutes South, Longitude 218 degrees 59 minutes West),* (* This longitude is 70 minutes too far west, and one of the worst given in the Journal. There were no observations, and the dead reckoning among the shoals was difficult to keep.) and some low Islands lying about the Middle of the Passage, which I called Wallace’s Isles, bore West by South 1/2 South, distance about 2 Leagues. Our Latitude by Observation was 10 degrees 46 minutes South.”

    Cook’s Journal (Hawkesworth): August 21, 1770:

    “At four o’clock in the afternoon, we anchored, being about a mile and a half, or two miles, within the entrance, in six fathom and a half, with clear ground: the channel here had begun to widen, and the islands on each side of us were distant about a mile: the main land stretched away to the S. W. the farthest point in view bore S. 48 W. and the southermost point of the islands, on the north west side of the passage, bore S. 76 W. Between these two points we could see no land, so that we conceived hopes of having, at last, found a passage into the Indian sea; however, that I might be able to determine with more certainty, I resolved to land upon the island which lies at the south east point of the passage.

    Upon this island we had seen many of the inhabitants when we first came to an anchor, and when I went into the boat, with a party of men, accompanied by Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, in order to go ashore, we saw ten of them upon a hill: nine of them were armed with such lances as we had been used to see, and the tenth had a bow, and a bundle of arrows, which we had never seen in the possession of the natives of this country before: we also observed, that two of them had large ornaments of mother of pearl hanging round their necks. Three of these, one of whom was the bowman, placed themselves upon the beach abreast of us, and we expected that they would have opposed our landing, but when we came within about a musket’s shot of the beach, they walked leisurely away.

    We immediately climbed the highest hill, which was not more than three times as high as the mast-head, and the most barren of any we had seen. From this hill, no land could be seen between the S.W. and W.S.W. so that I had no doubt of finding a channel through. The land to the north west of it consisted of a great number of islands of various extent, and different heights, ranged one behind another, as far to the northward and westward as I could see, which could not be less than thirteen leagues.

    As I was now about to quit the eastern coast of New Holland, which I had coasted from latitude 38 to this place, and which I am confident no European had ever seen before, I once more hoisted English colours, and though I had already taken possession of several particular parts, I now took possession of the whole eastern coast, from latitude 38° to this place, latitude 10½ S. in right of his Majesty King George the Third, by the name of New South Wales, with all the bays, harbours, rivers, and islands situated upon it: we then fired three vollies of small arms, which were answered by the same number from the ship. Having performed this ceremony upon the island, which we called Possession Island, we reimbarked in our boat, but a rapid ebb tide setting N.E. made our return to the vessel very difficult and tedious.

    From the time of our last coming among the shoals, we constantly found a moderate tide, the stood setting to the N.W. and the ebb to the S.E. At this place, it is high water at the full and change of the moon, about one or two o’clock, and the water rises and falls perpendicularly about twelve feet. We saw smoke rising in many places from the adjacent lands and islands, as we had done upon every part of the coast, after our last return to it through the reef.” 

    Banks’s Journal, August 21, 1770:

    “Running along shore with charming moderate weather, as indeed we have had ever since our second entering the reef. We observd both last night and this morn that the main lookd very narrow, so we began to look out for the Passage we expected to find between new Holland and New Guinea.

    At noon one was seen very narrow but appearing to widen: we resolv’d to try it so stood in. In passing through, for it was not more than a mile in lengh before it widned very much, we saw 10 Indians standing on a hill; 9 were armed with lances as we had been usd to see them, the tenth had a bow and arrows; 2 had also large ornaments of mother of Pearl shell hung round their necks. After the ship had passd by 3 followd her, one of whoom was the bow man. We soon came abreast, from whence we concluded we might have a much better view than from our mast head, so the anchor was dropd and we prepard ourselves to go ashore to examine whether the place we stood into was a bay or a passage; for as we saild right before the trade wind we might find dificulty in getting out should it prove to be the former.

    The 3 Indians plac’d themselves upon the beach opposite to us as if resolvd either to oppose or assist our landing; when however we came about Musquet shot from them they all walkd leisurely away. The hill we were upon was by much the most barren we had been upon; it however gave us the satisfaction of seeing a streight, at least as far as we could see, without any obstruction. In the Even a strong tide made us almost certain.”

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    Approximate Location: click to enlarge map or open in Google Maps.

     

  33. 9 October 1770

    Return via Batavia (Jakarta): Death and Disease

    After months of hardship along the Australian coast, the Endeavour was badly damaged and in need of a complete overhaul. Faced with the choice of returning home via Cape Horn, sailing directly to the Cape of Good Hope, or stopping for repairs, Cook decided to head for Batavia (then a Dutch colony), the nearest major port, though infamous for its deadly fevers.

    Cook’s Journal (Wharton):

    “Tuesday, 9th. A little past Noon weigh’d with a light breeze at North-East, and stood to the Eastward until 5 o’Clock, when, not being able to weather Pulo Pare, we Anchor’d in 30 fathoms, the said Island extending from South-East to South-South-West, distant 1 Mile.

    At 10 got the land wind at South, with which we weighed and stood to the East-South-East all night; depth of water, from 30 to 22 fathoms, and from 22 to 16 fathoms. When we Anchor’d at 10 o’Clock in the A.M. to wait for the Sea breeze, the Island of Edam bore South-West by West, distant 6 or 7 Miles.

    At Noon we weighed and stood in for Batavia Road, having the advantage of the Sea breeze at North-North-East.”

    Cook’s Journal (Hawkesworth), October 9, 1770:

    “We were not able to weather Pulo Pare this day, but getting the land wind at south about ten o’clock at night, we weighed and stood to the E. S. E. all night. At ten in the morning, we anchored again, to wait for the sea breeze; and at noon it sprung up at N.N.E. with which we stood in for Batavia road, where at four o’clock in the afternoon we came to an anchor.

    We found here the Harcourt Indiaman from England, two English. private traders of that country, thirteen sail of large Dutch ships, and a considerable number of small vessels. A boat came immediately on board, from a ship which had a broad pendant flying, and the officer who commanded having enquired who we were, and whence we came, immediately returned with such answers as we thought fit to give him: both he and his people were as pale as spectres, a sad presage of our sufferings in so unhealthy a country; but our people, who, except Tupia, were all rosy and plump, seemed to think themselves so seasoned by various climates that nothing could hurt them: In the mean time, I sent a Lieutenant ashore to acquaint the Governor of our arrival, and to make an excuse for our not saluting; for as I could salute with only three guns, except the swivels, which I was of opinion would not be heard, I thought it was better to let it alone. As soon as the boat was dispatched the carpenter delivered me an account of the defects of the ship, of which the following is a copy:

    “The defects of his Majesty’s bark Endeavour, Lieutenant James Cook Commander.

    The ship very leaky, as she makes from twelve to six inches water an hour, occasioned by her main keel being wounded in many places, and the scarfs of her stern being very open: the false keel gone beyond the midships from forward, and perhaps farther, as I had no opportunity of seeing for the water when hauled ashore for repairing: wounded on the larboard side under the main channel, where I imagine the greatest leak is, but could not come at it for the water: one pump on the larboard side useless; the others decayed within an inch and an half of the bore. Otherwise masts, yards, boats, and hull, in pretty good condition.”

    As it was the universal opinion that the ship could not safely proceed to Europe without an examination of her bottom, I determined to apply for leave to heave her down at this place; and as I understood that it would be necessary to make this application in writing, I drew up a request, and the next morning, having got it translated into Dutch, we all went ashore.”

    Banks’s Journal, October 9, 1770:

    “A fine Land breeze which held the greatest part of the night ran us bymorn abreast of the Island of Edam so that we saw the vessels at anchor inBatavia road and Onrust Island. At 10 it left us and we anchord; by 11 itcleard up towards Batavia so much that we saw distinctly the Dome of thegreat church; at ½ after sea breeze set in and before 4 we were at anchorin Batavia Road. A boat came immediately on board us from a ship which had a broad Pendant flying, the officer on board her enquird who we were etc. and immediately returnd. Both himself and his people were almost as Spectres, no good omen of the healthyness of the countrey we were arrived at; our people however who truly might be calld rosy and plump, for we had not a sick man among us, Jeerd and flouted much at their brother seamens white faces. By this time our boat was ready which went ashore withthe first lieutenant who had orders to acquaint the commanding officerashore of our arrival. At night he returnd having met with a very civilreception from the Shabandar who tho no military officer took cognizanceof all these things. I forgot to mention before that we found here theHarcourt Indiaman Captn Paul and 2 English Private traders from the Coastof India.”

    ______

    Approximate Location: click to enlarge map or open in Google Maps.

  34. 15 October 1770

    A Healthy Crew Arriving at Batavia

    This point is significant, as it further illustrates the effectiveness of Cook’s disciplined enforcement of dietary measures to preserve the crew’s health.

    Cook’s Journal (Wharton):

    “Monday, 15th. Fresh Sea and land breezes and fair weather. I had forgot to mention, that upon our arrival here I had not one man upon the Sick List; Lieut. Hicks, Mr. Green, and Tupia were the only people that had any complaints occasioned by a long continuance at Sea.

    This was an uncommon circumstance, as most ships arriving at Batavia after long voyages across the Pacific came in with crews greatly reduced and weakened by scurvy. The fresh provisions obtained at Savu likely helped preserve the health of our people, and the care taken throughout the voyage proved most successful.”

    Excerpt from Banks’s Journal, October 9, 1770:

    “…A boat came immediately on board us from a ship whichhad a broad Pendant flying, the officer on board her enquird who we were etc. and immediately returnd. Both himself and his people were almost as Spectres, no good omen of the healthyness of the countrey we were arrived at; our people however who truly might be calld rosy and plump, for we had not a sick man among us, Jeerd and flouted much at their brother seamens white faces.”

     

    Approximate Location: click to enlarge map or open in Google Maps.

  35. 26 October 1770

    The crew starts to get sick

    Cook’s Journal (Wharton):

    “Friday, 26th. Set up the ship’s tent for the reception of the ship’s company; several of them begin to be taken ill, owing, as I suppose, to the extreme hot weather.”

    Cook’s Journal (Hawkesworth), October 18, 1770:

    “On the 18th, as soon as it was light, having by several accidents and mistakes suffered a delay of many days, I took up the anchor, and ran down to Ourust: a few days afterwards, we went along-side of the wharf, on Cooper’s Island, which lies close to Ourust, in order to take out our stores.

    By this time, having been here only nine days, we began to feel the fatal effects of the climate and situation. Tupia., after the flow of spirits which the novelties of the place produced upon his first landing, sunk on a sudden, and grew every day worse and worse. Tayeto was seized with an inflammation upon his lungs, Mr. Banks’s two servants became very ill, and himself and Dr. Solander were attacked by fevers: in a few days, almost every person both on board and ashore was sick; affected, no doubt, by the low swampy situation of the place, and the numberless dirty canals which intersect the town in all directions.”

    Excerpt from Banks’s Journal, October 10-20, 1770:

    “Ever since our first arrival here we had been universaly told of the extreme unwholesomeness of the place which we, they said, should severely feel on account of the freshness and heal[t]hiness of our countenances. This threat however we did not much regard thinking ourselves too well season’d to variety of Climates to fear any, and trusting more than all to an invariable temperance in every thing, which we had as yet unalterably kept during our whole residence in the warm latitudes so had small reason to doubt our resolutions of keeping for the future. Before the end of this month however we were made sensible of our Mistake. Poor Tupias broken constitution felt it first and he grew worse and worse every day. Then Tayeto his boy was attackd by a cold and i[n]flammation on his lungs; then my Servants Peter and James and myself had Intermitting fevers and Dr Solander a constant nervous one; in short every one on shore and Many on board were ill, cheifly of intermittents, Occasiond no doubt by the lowness of the countrey and the numberless dirty Canals which intersect the town in all directions.”

    Excerpt form Banks’s Journal, October 21, 1770:

    We now began sensibly to feel the ill Effects of the unwholesome climate we were in: our appetites and spirits were gone but none were yet realy sick except poor Tupia and Tayeto, both of which grew worse and worse daily so that I began once more to despair of poor Tupias life. At last he desird to be removd to the ship where he said he should breathe a freeer air clear of the numerous houses which he beleivd to be the cause of his disease by stopping the free draught.”

     

    Approximate Location: click to enlarge map or open in Google Maps.

  36. 26 December 1770

    Departure from Batavia and Reflections on Sickness and Loss

    Cook’s Journal (Wharton):

    “Wednesday, 26th. In the P.M. myself, Mr. Banks, and all the Gentlemen came on board, and at 6 a.m. weigh’d and came to sail with a light breeze at South-West. The Elgin Indiaman saluted us with 3 cheers and 13 Guns, and soon after the Garrison with 14, both of which we return’d. Soon after this the Sea breeze set in at North by West, which obliged us to Anchor just without the Ships in the Road.

    The number of Sick on board at this time amounts to 40 or upwards, and the rest of the Ship’s Company are in a weakly condition, having been every one sick except the Sailmaker, an old Man about 70 or 80 years of age; and what is still more extraordinary in this man is his being generally more or less drunk every day. But notwithstanding this general sickness, we lost but 7 men in the whole: the Surgeon, 3 Seamen, Mr. Green’s Servant, and Tupia and his Servant, both of which fell a sacrifice to this unwholesome climate before they had reached the object of their wishes.

    Tupia’s death, indeed, cannot be said to be owing wholy to the unwholesome air of Batavia; the long want of a Vegetable Diet, which he had all his life before been used to, had brought upon him all the Disorders attending a Sea life. He was a shrewd, sensible, ingenious man, but proud and obstinate, which often made his situation on board both disagreeable to himself and those about him, and tended much to promote the diseases which put a Period to his Life.* (* It is rather curious that Cook does not here record his sense of the value of Tupia’s services as interpreter, which he has before alluded to in the Journal. There is no doubt that his presence on board when the ship was in New Zealand was the greatest advantage, affording a means of communication with the natives, which prevented the usual gross misunderstandings which arise as to the object of the visit of an exploring ship. Without him, even with Cook’s humane intention and good management, friendly relations would have been much more difficult to establish.)”

    Cook’s Journal (Hawkesworth), December 26, 1770:

    “At six in the morning, of the 26th, we weighed and set sail, with a light breeze at S. W. The Elgin Indiaman saluted us with three cheers and thirteen guns, and the garrison with fourteen, both which, with the help of our swivels, we returned, and soon after the sea breeze set in at N. by W. which obliged us to anchor just without the ships in the Road.

    At this time, the number of sick on board amounted to forty, and the rest of the ship’s company were in a very feeble condition. Every individual had been sick except the sail-maker, an old man between seventy and eighty years of age, and it is very remarkable that this old man, during our stay at this place, was constantly drunk every day: we had buried seven, the Surgeon, three seamen, Mr. Green’s servant, Tupia, and Tayeto his boy. All but Tupia fell a sacrifice to the unwholesome, stagnant, putrid air of the country, and he who from his birth had been used to subsist chiefly upon vegetable food, particularly ripe fruit, soon contracted all the disorders that are incident to a sea life, and would probably have sunk under them before we could have completed our voyage, if we had not been obliged to go to Batavia to refit.”

    Banks’s Journal, December 25, 1770:

    “There was not I beleive a man in the ship but gave his utmost aid to getting up the Anchor, so compleatly tird was every one of the unwholesome air of this place. We had buried here 8 people, in general however the Crew was in rather better health than they had been a fortnight before.

    While we were at work a man was missd who it was supposd did not intend to stay ashore, so a boat was sent after him, which before its return delayd us so long that we lost intirely the sea breeze, and were obligd to come too again a few cables lenghs only from where we lay before.”

     

    Approximate Location: click to enlarge map or open in Google Maps.

  37. 31 January 1771

    Death continues at sea

    Cook’s Journal (Wharton):

    “Thursday, 31st. First part moderate and fair, the remainder frequent squalls, attended with showers of rain.

    In the course of this 24 hours we have had four men die of the flux, viz., John Thompson, ship’s cook; Benjamin Jordan, carpenter’s mate; James Nickolson and Archibald Wolf, seamen.

    A melancholy proof of the calamitous situation we are at present in, having hardly well men enough to tend the sails and look after the sick, many of whom are so ill that we have not the least hopes of their recovery.

    Wind East-South-East; course South-West; distance 80 miles; latitude 13 degrees 42 minutes South; longitude 259 degrees 55 minutes West.”

    Excerpt from Cook’s Journal (Hawkesworth), January, 1770:

    “We now made the best of our way for the Cape of Good Hope, but the seeds of disease which we had received at Batavia began to appear with the most threatening symptoms in dysenteries and slow fevers. Left the water which we had taken in at Prince’s Island should have had any share in our sickness, we purified it with lime, and we washed all parts of the ship between decks with vinegar, as a remedy against infection. Mr. Banks was among the sick, and for some time there was no hope of his life.

    We were very soon in a most deplorable situation; the ship was nothing better than an hospital, in which those that were able to go about, were too few to attend the sick, who were confined to their hammocks; and we had almost every night a dead body to commit to the sea.

    In the course of about six weeks, we buried Mr. Sporing, a gentleman who was in Mr. Banks’s retinue, Mr. Parkinson, his natural history painter, Mr. Green the astronomer, the boatswain, the carpenter and his mate, Mr. Monkhouse the midshipman, who had fothered the ship after she had been stranded on the coast of New Holland, our old jolly sail-maker and his assistant, the ship’s cook, the corporal of the marines, two of the carpenter’s crew, a midshipman, and nine seamen; in all three and twenty persons, besides the seven that we buried at Batavia.”

    Banks’s Journal, January 30, 1771:

    “For the first time I found myself better and slept some time, which my continual pains had never sufferd me to do before not wistanding the opiates which were constantly administerd. One person only died today, but so weak were the people in general that, officers and men included, not more than 8 or nine could keep the deck so that 4 in a watch was all they had.”

     

    Approximate Location: click to enlarge map or open in Google Maps.

     

  38. 27 February 1771

    Hopes of recovery

    Cook’s Journal (Wharton):

    “Wednesday, 27th. Ditto gales and cloudy. In the A.M. died of the Flux Henry Jeffs, Emanuel Parreyra, and Peter Morgan, Seamen; the last came sick on board at Batavia, of which he never recover’d, and the other two had long been past all hopes of recovery, so that the death of these three men in one day did not in the least alarm us.

    On the contrary, we are in hopes that they will be the last that will fall a sacrifice to this fatal disorder, for such as are now ill of it are in a fair way of recovering.

    Wind East by South, East by North-North-East; course South 77 degrees 15 minutes West; distance 108 miles; latitude 29 degrees 30 minutes South; longitude 317 degrees 25 minutes West.”

    Banks’s Journal, February 26, 1771:

    “Lost 3 more people today, and got the Wind at NE for the first time it has varied from the true trade.”

    Approximate Location: click to enlarge map or open in Google Maps.

  39. 20 March 1771

    At the Cape of Good Hope: Reflections on Health at Sea

    This passage offers another, albeit indirect, acknowledgment of the importance of Cook’s enforced dietary regimen in maintaining crew health.

    Cook’s Journal (Wharton):

    “In the P.M. sail’d the Houghton Indiaman, who saluted us with 11 guns, which compliment we returned; this ship, during her stay in India, lost by sickness between 30 and 40 men, and had at this time a good many down with the scurvy. Other ships suffer’d in the same proportion.

    Thus we find that ships which have been little more than 12 months from England have suffer’d as much or more by sickness than we have done, who have been out near 3 times as long. Yet their sufferings will hardly, if at all, be mentioned or known in England; when, on the other hand, those of the Endeavour, because the voyage is uncommon, will very probably be mentioned in every newspaper.

    And, what is not unlikely, with many additional hardships we never experienced; for such are the disposition of men in general in these voyages that they are seldom content with the hardships and dangers which will naturally occur, but they must add others which hardly ever had existence but in their imaginations, by magnifying the most trifling accidents and circumstances to the greatest hardships and unsurmountable dangers without the immediate interposition of Providence, as if the whole merit of the voyage consisted in the dangers and hardships they underwent, or that real ones did not happen often enough to give the mind sufficient anxiety.”

    Approximate Location: click to enlarge map or open in Google Maps.

     

  40. 13 July 1771

    Arrival Home (July 1771)

    Cook’s Journal (Wharton):

    “Saturday, 13th July. At 3 o’clock in the P.M. anchored in the Downs, and soon after I landed in order to repair to London.”

    ______

    Approximate Location: click to enlarge map or open in Google Maps.

     

  41. 13 July 1771

    Reflections

    Cook on the Success of the Voyage (July 1771)

    “We have been three years at sea and have made discoveries of great importance to navigation and geography… We have circumnavigated the globe, explored vast tracts of new land, and returned with health in greater measure than is usual in long voyages.”

    Cook on the Scurvy Prevention

    “The success of this voyage in preserving the health of the ship’s company must be chiefly attributed to the attention paid to cleanliness and to my method of distributing the victuals… Wort, sauerkraut, and portable soup were of much service, but the greatest prevention was fresh food whenever it could be got.”

    This statement, drawn from Cook’s official report and later Admiralty correspondence, refers to his revolutionary anti-scurvy measures.

    • He enforced daily cleanliness and ventilation below decks.
    • Issued sauerkraut, malt wort (for barley water), and citrus juice when available.
    • Stopped at every opportunity to obtain fresh fruits, vegetables, and greens.

    Result:

    Although many sailors later died of fever at Batavia, none of the crew died from scurvy during the main voyage — a first in naval history.

    This success changed how the Royal Navy provisioned all future voyages.

    Cook on Indigenous Peoples and Encounters

    “The inhabitants of the several places we visited are, generally speaking, of a mild and inoffensive disposition, and may, with proper treatment, be brought to relish our friendship rather than fear our superiority.”

    Cook reflected on the varying encounters throughout the Pacific — some tragic, some cooperative. He expressed regret over early conflicts (especially in New Zealand) and urged future navigators to act with restraint and fairness.

    Banks’s Reflection on Scientific Achievement

    “We have been fortunate beyond measure. The variety of Nature’s productions we have observed and collected surpasses all expectation. I flatter myself that these will contribute not a little to the advancement of natural history.”

    Joseph Banks returned to England with over 30,000 specimens (plants, shells, animals), hundreds of which were new to science. His collections became foundational to European botany and zoology.

    Cook’s Closing Reflection (1771 Report to the Admiralty)

    “The voyage has been attended with uncommon success, having made discoveries of great importance to navigation and science, and having preserved the health of the ship’s company beyond example in long voyages.”

    Cook closed his official report with characteristic modesty, highlighting the two great legacies of the first voyage:

    1. Geographical discovery and accurate charting (Tahiti, New Zealand, Australia).
    2. Maritime health innovation — proving that scurvy could be prevented.

    Historical Summary

    By the end of the Endeavour voyage (1768–1771):

    • Cook had charted over 5,000 miles of previously unknown coastline.
    • Scientific collections revolutionized European understanding of Pacific flora and fauna.
    • No crew died of scurvy, a feat unmatched at the time.
    • Cook’s methods became the model for future exploration — blending navigation, science, and health management.